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R3 V I 8 






Multse terricolis linguae, coelestibus una 




THE favourable reception accorded to the first series 
of Records of the Past, and the hope more than once 
expressed since its discontinuance that a similar 
series would be again started, have led to this second 
attempt to lay before the public some of the most 
important documents left us by the civilised nations 
of the ancient Oriental world. During the ten years 
that have elapsed since the first series was concluded, 
Assyrian research may be said to have entered upon 
a new phase. Expeditions have returned from 
Babylonia, bringing with them the spoils of ancient 
libraries, the clay tablets preserved in the British 
Museum and elsewhere have been copied and 
examined with increased industry and exactness, 
and students have been flocking to the new study in 
Germany and America. The decipherment of the 
cuneiform inscriptions of Van has opened up a fresh 
world of language and history, and the geography of 
Western Asia in the Assyrian epoch has been 
mapped out in almost all its essential details. 

The increase of materials, and more especially of 


labourers in the field of research, has made our know- 
ledge of the Assyrian lexicon at once wider and 
more accurate. Inscriptions- which were still obscure 
ten years ago can now be read with a fair approach 
to exactness, while many of the translations proposed 
in the former series of the Records can be amended 
in many respects. Indeed there are certain cases in 
which the progress of knowledge has shown the 
tentative renderings of a few years ago to be so 
faulty, if not misleading, that it has been determined 
to replace them by revised translations in the series 
which is now being issued. 

The new series will, it is hoped, be found to be 
an improvement upon its predecessor in certain 
points. The translations will be provided with fuller 
introductions and notes, bearing more particularly 
upon the history, geography, and theology of the 
texts, and drawing attention to the illustrations they 
afford of the Scriptures of the Old Testament. The 
historical inscriptions, moreover, will be published, so 
far as is possible, in chronological order. 

In one point, however, a difference will be noticed 
between the plan of this second series of Records and 
that of the first. The value of a translation from a 
language known only to a few scholars depends in 
large measure upon the confidence with which its 
precise wording can be accepted. The writer who 
wishes to make use of a translation from an Egyp- 
tian or Assyrian text for historical or controversial 
purposes ought to know where it is certain, and 


where it is only possible, or at most probable. He 
ought to receive warning of passages or words or 
readings of doubtful character, and the translator 
ought to provide proofs of any new renderings he 
may give. In the present series of volumes, accord- 
ingly, doubtful words and expressions will be 
followed by a note of interrogation, the preceding 
word being put into italics where necessary : other- 
wise italics will be used only for the transliteration 
of proper names or words which cannot at present 
be translated. The notes will contain a justification 
of new translations, whether of words hitherto unde- 
ciphered or of words to which a different signification 
has hitherto been attached. The names of indi- 
viduals will be distinguished from those of deities or 
localities by being printed in Roman type, whereas 
the names of deities and localities will be in capitals. 
Though exploration and discovery have been 
carried on actively in Egypt during the last decade, 
thanks mainly to the Egypt Exploration Fund and 
the enterprise of Professor Maspero, the results have 
not been so startling or numerous as those which 
have attended the progress of the younger study of 
Assyriology. There is not the same reason for 
amending the translations, previously published, of 
Egyptian documents, nor has any large number of 
historical texts been brought to light. Instead, there- 
fore, of publishing alternately translations from the 
Assyrian and Egyptian monuments, Assyrian and 
Egyptian texts will appear in the same volume, 


though it will doubtless happen that the Assyrian 
element will preponderate in some volumes, the 
Egyptian element in others. Egyptian and Assyrian, 
of course, will not be exclusively represented ; Phoe- 
nicians and Proto-Armenians have left us written 
monuments, comparatively few though they may be, 
and the Records of the Past would be incomplete 
without such important inscriptions as that of the 
Moabite king Mesha or of the Hebrew Pool of 

In commending the first volume of this new series 
of Records to the approval of the public, the Editor 
must not forget to say that the enterprise is inter- 
national, eminent scholars belonging to all national- 
ities having consented to take part in it, and that if 
his name appears somewhat too frequently in the 
present volume, it is a fault which shall not occur 


y August 1888. 








Assistant-Curator in the British Museum . 78 


G. PINCHES ...... 84 


OF ASSYRIA. By the EDITOR . . . 86 


By the EDITOR . . . . .122 



By the EDITOR. ..... 147 



By Professor J. OPPERT, Member of the 
Institute . . . . . .154 

EDITOR . . . . . .163 


SILOAM. By the EDITOR . . .168 


N a, ' ? / 

2 b 13 m 

a g !: 

1 d D 'j, s 

\\ h ye 

* I z 

T 3 P /J 

n /'/; p ^ 

D rfA "1 r 

^ it y W s, sh 

T k n / 

A 7 ".^. Those Assyriologists who transcribe W by j/j use j for D. 
The Assyrian e represents a diphthong as well as y. 

In the Introductions and Notes W. A. I. denotes The 
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, in five volumes, 
published by the Trustees of the British Museum. 


1. Ni'sannu (Nisan) 

2. Aaru (lyyar) 

3. 'Sivanu (Sivan) . 

4. Duzu (Tammuz) . 

5. Abu (Ab) .... 

6. Ululu (Elul) 

7. Tasritu (Tisri) . 

8. Arakh - savna (Marchesvan) 

" the 8th month " . 

9. Ki'silivu (Chisleu) 
i o. Dhabitu (Tebet) . 

1 1. Sabadhu (Sebat) 

12. Addaru (Adar) . 

13. Arakh-makhrti (Ve-Adar), the 


March April. 
April May. 
May June. 
June July. 
July August. 
August September. 
September October. 

October November. 
November December. 
December January. 
January February. 
February March, 
intercalary month. 



CHRONOLOGY is the skeleton of history, and until 
we can find the correct chronological place for a his- 
torical monument it loses a large part of its value. 
Thanks to the lists of the so-called eponyms, by 
means of whom the Assyrians dated their years, the 
chronology of the Assyrian kings has long since been 
placed upon a satisfactory footing as far back as the 
tenth century before our era. The dates, moreover, 
assigned by Sennacherib to Tiglath-Pileser I. (B.C. 
1 1 06), and Tukulti-Uras, the son of Shalmaneser I. 
(B.C. 1290), as well as the lengthy genealogies with 
which these kings are connected, enable us to extend 
Assyrian chronology back for another five hundred 
years, though, of course, with only approximate 

While our knowledge of Assyrian chronology, 

however, has thus been tolerably fixed for a long 

time past, we have had to depend upon the vague 

and contradictory statements of Greek writers for 



our knowledge of the chronology of the older king- 
dom of Babylonia. Apart from the invaluable table 
of kings known as Ptolemy's Canon, which belongs 
to the later period of Babylonian history, and the 
unsatisfactory list of dynasties excerpted from an 
epitomist of Berossos, our only monumental authori- 
ties for Babylonian chronology were the Assyrian 
inscriptions themselves, together with a few fragments 
of a dynastic tablet brought to light by Mr. 
George Smith and the so-called Synchronous History 
of Assyria and Babylonia, of which I published a 
translation in the former series of Records of the 
Past (vol. iii.) This " Synchronous History " was 
composed by an Assyrian scribe, and consists of 
brief notices of the occasions on which the kings of 
the two countries had entered into relation, hostile or 
otherwise, with one another. Since my translation 
was published in 1874, another large fragment of 
the tablet has been discovered, and accordingly I 
purpose giving a new translation of the whole docu- 
ment in a future volume of the present series. The 
"Synchronous History" gives no dates, and conse- 
quently its chronological value depends upon our 
knowledge of the respective dates to which the 
Assyrian monarchs mentioned in it belong. 

Within the last few years a number of discoveries 
due to Mr. Pinches has entirely changed our position 
in regard to the chronology of the Babylonian kings. 
As I have already stated, Mr. Smith found among 
the tablets brought from the royal library of Nineveh 


a small fragment which, as he perceived, contained 
the names and regnal years of the kings of Baby- 
lonia, arranged in dynasties. The work to which it 
belonged must accordingly have been similar to that 
from which Berossos derived his dynastic list of 
Chaldean monarchs. Mr. Smith published the frag- 
ment, with a translation and commentary, in the 
Transactions of the Society of Biblical Arc/oology y 
iii. 2 (1874). It is written on both sides, and the 
tablet once consisted of six columns, each containing 
about seventy lines. I will call it the " Third 
Dynastic Tablet." 

The next discovery was made by Mr. Pinches six 
years later among the inscriptions brought from the 
site of Babylon by the overseer of Mr. Hormuzd 
Rassam. He found among them a small tablet of 
unbaked clay, quite complete and inscribed on both 
sides. It contains the names of the kings belonging 
to two early dynasties, the number of years reigned 
by each king being added to the names in the case 
of the first dynasty. The tablet seems to be a sort 
of schoolboy's exercise, having been copied from 
some larger work in order to be committed to 
memory. The Reverse has been published by Mr. 
Pinches in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical 
Archeology, 7th December 1880, and I will call it 
the " First Dynastic Tablet." 

Another and more important document the 
" Second Dynastic Tablet " was published by Mr. 
Pinches, with a translation and explanation, in the 


Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology, 6th 
May 1884. This is also a tablet of unbaked clay 
from Babylonia, and it contains a list of the Baby- 
lonian sovereigns, arranged in dynasties, from the first 
dynasty which made the city of Babylon the capital 
down to the period of the Persian conquest. The 
number of regnal years is added to the name of 
each king and the length of time each dynasty lasted 
is duly recorded. The names of some of the kings 
are written in an abbreviated form : this is especially 
the case with those belonging to the second dynasty. 

The list, it will be observed, is confined to the 
dynasties which reigned in Babylon itself. No 
notice is taken of the kings and dynasties who ruled 
in " Accad and Sumer " before Babylon became the 
capital of the empire. The lost columns of the 
" Third Dynastic Tablet " show how numerous they 
were, and the fact is borne out by the bricks and 
other monuments of early Chaldean monarchs 
whose names do not occur among the successors of 
'Sumu-abi. Most of the kings, indeed, whose names 
are known to us in connection with the temples they 
built or restored belonged to older dynasties than 
those which had their seat in the city of Babylon. 

A considerable number of their names is to be 
found in another tablet brought by Mr. Rassam from 
Assyria, and published by Mr. Pinches in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Society of Biblical A rc/iczology, 1 1 th 
January 1881. A small portion of it had already 
been published in W. A. I., ii. 65, and had given rise 


to a good many false conclusions. The object of 
this tablet was philological and not chronological ; in 
fact the writer expressly states that the names of the 
kings were " not written according to their chrono- 
logical order." He merely wished to furnish the 
Semitic or Assyro-Babylonian translations of the 
Accado-Sumerian and Kassite names borne by so 
many of the early princes, and in some cases of the 
mode in which the names of Semitic kings were pro- 
nounced or written by their Accadian subjects. 

Among the latter is the name of Sargon of Accad, 
the ancient hero of the Semitic population of Chaldaea, 
who founded the first Semitic empire in the country 
and established a great library in his capital city of 
Agade or Accad near Sippara. The seal of his 
librarian, Ibni-sarru, of very beautiful workmanship, 
is now in Paris, and has been published by M. de 
Clercq (Collection de Clcrcq, pi. 5, No. 46), while a 
copy of his annals, together with those of his son 
Naram-Sin, is to be found in W. A. I., iv. 34. His 
date has been fixed by a passage in a cylinder of 
Nabonidos discovered in the ruins of the temple of 
the Sun-god at Sippara, and published in W. A. I., 
v. 64. The antiquarian zeal of Nabonidos led him to 
excavate among the foundations of the temple in the 
hope of finding the cylinder of Naram-Sin, who was 
known to have been the founder of it, and he tells 
us (col. ii. 5 6 seg.) : 

" I sought for its old foundation-stone, and eighteen cubits 


I dug into the ground, and the foundation-stone of 

Naram-Sin, the son of Sargon, 
which for 3200 years no king who had gone before me 

had seen, 
the Sun-god, the great lord of E-Babara, the temple of the 

seat of the goodness of his heart, 
let me see, even me." 

In the opinion, therefore, of Nabonidos, a king 
who had a passion for investigating the past records 
of his country, Naram-Sin reigned 3200 years before 
his own time, that is to say, about B.C. 3700. 

Before the rise of the Semitic kingdom of Sargon 
of Accad, lies that earlier Accado-Sumerian period 
when Babylonia was still in the hands of a people 
who spoke an agglutinative language, such as those 
of the modern Turks or Finns, and had originated 
the cuneiform system of writing and the primitive 
civilisation of the Chaldean cities. Relics of this 
ancient period have been discovered by M. de 
Sarzec in the mounds of Tel-loh, and the Sumerian 
inscriptions which they bear are now being de- 
ciphered by French scholars, more especially by 
M. Amiaud. M. Amiaud has been good enough 
to introduce the historical documents of Babylonia 
and Assyria to the readers of the present series 
of Records of the Past, by his translations of these 
oldest memorials of human life and thought in the 
valley of the Euphrates. If Sargon of Accad lived 
about B.C. 3800, the kings of Telloh must have 
flourished as far back as the fourth millennium before 
our era. 


The last chronological document brought to light 
during the last few years is in many respects the 
most important of all. This is what has been 
termed "The Babylonian Chronicle" by its dis- 
coverer, Mr. Pinches, who gave an abstract of it in 
the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical A rchceology, 
6th May 1884. Since then, the text has been 
published with a translation and commentary by 
Dr. Winckler in the Zeitschrift filr Assyriologic> 
ii. 2, 3 (1887); it has also been translated by 
Dr. Oppert The tablet (which is marked 84. 
2- 1 1, 356) was brought from Babylonia and is 
inscribed on both sides with four columns of text. 
It was a copy or compilation made by a Babylonian 
in the reign of Darius from older records, and must 
have been similar to the document from which 
Ptolemy's Canon of Babylonian kings was extracted. 
Like the latter it starts from the era of Nabonassar, 
B.C. 747. 

The chronicle is written from a Babylonian point 
of view, and must therefore be checked by contem- 
poraneous Assyrian inscriptions. What they de- 
scribe as Assyrian successes are sometimes passed 
over altogether or represented as Babylonian vic- 
tories. The Assyrian kings Tiglath-Pileser III and 
Shalmaneser IV are not acknowledged under the 
names they had adopted from two of the most 
illustrious monarchs of the first Assyrian empire, 
but under their original names of Pul and Ulula ; 
Sargon, on the other hand, whose name was that of 


the favourite hero of Babylonian legend, is known 
by the same name in the Chronicle as he is on the 
monuments of Assyria. At the same time the 
Chronicle helps us in correcting the inaccuracies of 
the Assyrian accounts, where, for example, Suzub 
represents both Nergal-yusezib and Musezib-Mero- 
dach. In fact, it confirms the judgment, already 
expressed by Assyriologists, that Sennacherib is the 
least trustworthy of the royal historians of Assyria. 

We are at present ignorant of the precise way in 
which the Babylonians reckoned their chronology. 
In Assyria the years were named after certain officers, 
ordinarily known as eponyms, who were changed 
each year, and as most of the institutions of Assyria 
were derived from Babylonia it is very probable that 
the system of counting time by the names of the 
eponyms was also of Babylonian invention. How far 
we can trust the dates assigned to the kings of the 
earlier dynasties is open to question. The length of 
reign assigned to the kings of the dynasties of the 
sea and of Bit-Bazi in the Second and Third Dynastic 
Tablets do not agree, while the number of regnal years 
given to the several kings of the first dynasty of Babylon 
not only plays on the same ciphers but is suspiciously 
long. On the other hand, the contract -tablets be- 
longing to the time of Khammuragas imply that his 
reign was not a short one. 

There is evidence in a later part of the dynastic 
lists that at least one name has been omitted. Dr. 
Winckler has published (in the Zeitschrift fur As- 


syriologie, ii. 3) the commencement of an inscription 
from Babylonia (marked 83.1-18) belonging to a 
certain king of Babylon, who calls himself Kuri-galzu 
the son of Kara-Urus. Dr. Winckler shows that this 
must be Kuri-galzu II, and that his name ought to 
occur in the list between those of Kara-Urus and 
Rimmon-nadin-suma. It is quite possible that other 
reigns have fallen out in other parts of the lists. 

The lacuna in the Second Dynastic Tablet be- 
tween the beginning of the eighth dynasty and the 
commencement of the reign of Nabonassar unfor- 
tunately prevents us from determining with certainty 
the date assigned by the compiler of it to 'Sumu-abi. 
But there are two synchronisms between Babylonian 
and Assyrian history which may serve to remedy the 
defect. According to Sennacherib, Merodach-nadin- 
akhe defeated Tiglath-Pileser I, 418 years before his 
own conquest of Babylon, that is to say, in B.C. 1106, 
while the " Synchronous History " makes Assur-bil- 
kala, the son of Tiglath-Pileser I, the contem- 
porary of Merodach-sa.pik-kullat, and Assur-dan the 
great-grandfather of Tiglath-Pileser I, the contem- 
porary of Zamama-nadin-suma, the father of Assur- 
dan being contemporaneous with Rimmon-[suma- 
natsir ?]. If Merodach-nadin-akhe is the ninth king 
of the dynasty of Isin, the date of Zamama-nadin- 
suma will be B.C. 1160, agreeing very well with the 
period to which the end of the reign of Assur-dan 
should be assigned. In this case Sagasalti-buryas, 
who flourished 800 years before Nabonidos, will not 


be identical with the Saga-sal [tiyas] of the dynastic 
list. The reign of Khammuragas will have com- 
menced B.C. 2282, the first dynasty of Babylon 
establishing its power there in B.C. 2394. 

We learn from the inscriptions of Khammuragas 
that he was the first of his dynasty to rule over the 
whole of Babylonia. A rival dynasty had previously 
reigned at Karrak in the south, while the Elamites 
had invaded portions of the country and probably 
held them in subjection. Assur-bani-pal states that 
the Elamite king Kudur- Nankhundi had carried 
away the image of the goddess Nana from Babylonia 
1635 years before his own time, or about B.C. 2285, 
and contract -tablets refer to the conquest of "the 
lord of Elam and King Rim-Agu" of Karrak by 
Khammuragas. A large number of contract-tablets, 
indeed, belong not only to the reigns of Khammu- 
ragas and his son Samsu-iluna, but also to the reign 
of Rim-Agu, who seems to have been master of the 
greater part of Chaldaea before his overthrow by the 
king of Babylon. George Smith was probably right 
in identifying him with the son of the Elamite prince 
Kudur- Mabug, who ruled at Larsa and claimed the 
imperial title of " king of Sumer and Accad." 

The rise of the empire of Khammuragas brought 
with it a revival of learning and literature such as 
had marked the rise of the empire of Sargon. The 
calendar appears to have been reformed at this 
period, and the great native work on astronomy and 
astrology put into the shape in which it has come 


down to us. The reign thus formed an era some- 
what similar to that of Nabonassar, and it is therefore 
curious to see how closely the date I have assigned 
to it corresponds with that arrived at by von Gut- 
schmidt from classical sources for the beginning of 
the Babylonian epoch. If the Latin translation can 
be trusted (Simplicius ad Arist. de Coelo, 503 A), the 
astronomical observations sent by Kallisthenes from 
Babylon to Aristotle in B.C. 331 reached back for 
1903 years (i.e. to B.C. 2234). Berossos the Chaldean 
historian, according to Pliny (N.H. vii. 57), stated 
that these observations commenced at Babylon 490 
years before the Greek era of Phoroneus, and conse- 
quently in B.C. 2243. According to Stephanos of 
Byzantium, Babylon was built 100:2 years before the 
date (given by Hellanikos) for the siege of Troy 
(B.C. 1229), which would bring us to B.C. 2231, while 
Ktesias, according to George Syncellus, made the 
reign of Belos or Bel-Merodach last for fifty-five years 
from B.C. 2286 to 2231. The fifty-five years of Belos 
agree with the fifty-five of Khammuragas. 

I add here the Canon of Babylonian kings given 
by Ptolemy in the Almagest. 


1. Nabonassar (Nabu-natsir), 14 years . . 747 

2. Nadios (Nadinu), 2 years . . . . 733 

3. Khinziros and Poros (Yukin-zira and Pul), 5 

years . . . . . . .731 

4. Iloulaios or Yougaios 1 (Ulula), 5 years . . 726 

1 Yougaios, if it is not due to a corruption of the text, may represent 
the name of Vagina, the father of Merodach-baladan. 



5. Mardokempados (Merodach-baladan), 12 years 721 

6. Arkeanos (Sargon), 5 years . . . . 709 

7. Interregnum for 2 years 1 . . . .704 

8. Belibos (Bel-ebus), 2 3 years . . . . 702 

9. Aparanadios 3 (Assur-nadin-suma), 6 years . 700 

10. Regebelos (Nergal-yusezib), i year. . . 694 

11. Mesesimordakos (Musezib-Merodach), 4 years . 693 

12. Interregnum for 8 years .... 689 

13. Asaridinos (Esar-haddon), 13 years . . 68 1 

14. Saosdoukhinos (Saul-suma-yukin), 20 years . 668 

15. Kineladanos (Kandalanu), 22 years . . 648 

1 6. Nabopolassaros (Nabu-pal-utsur), 21 years . 626 

17. Nabokolassaros (Nebuchadnezzar), 43' years . 605 

1 8. Ilauaroudamos (Avil-Merodach), 2 years. . 562 

19. Nerigasolasaros (Nergal-sarra-utsur), 4 years . 560* 

20. Nabonadios (Nabu-nahid), 17 years . . 556 

1 Filled up according to Alexander Polyhistor by the brother of Senna- 
cherib, by Hagisa or Akises for thirty days, and by Merodach-baladan for 
six months. 

2 Called Elibos by Alexander Polyhistor. 

3 Assordanios according to Alexander Polyhistor. 

4 Josephus (from Berossos) here inserts Laborosoarkhodos, the infant 
son of Neriglissor, for three months. 



1. 'Sumu-abi, the king: 15 years. 

2. 'Sumu-la-ilu, the son of the same : 35 years. 

3. Zabu, the son of the same : 14 years. 

4. Abil-Sin, the son of the same : 1 8 years. 

5. Sin-muballidh, the son of the same : 30 years. 

6. Khammu-ragas, 1 the son of the same : 55 years. 

7. 'Sam'su-iluna, 2 the son of the same : 35 years. 

8. Ebisum, 3 the son of the same : 25 years. 

9. Ammi-satana, the son of the same : 2 5 years. 

i o. Ammi-sadugga, 4 the son of the same : 2 1 years. 

11. 'Sam'su-satana (?), the son of the same : 31 years. 

12. ii kings .of the dynasty of BABYLON. 


1. (The dynasty of) URU-AZAGGA. S Anman the king. 

2. KI-[AN] Nigas. 6 

3. Damki-ili-su. 7 

1 The first five names of the dynasty are Semitic. Khammuragas is 
Kassite or Kossaean, and is interpreted " of a large family." Sin- 
muballidh may have married a foreign wife. 

2 "The Sun-god (is) our god," another Semitic name. 

3 "The doer," also Semitic. 

4 Kassite, interpreted "the family is established." 

5 Uru-azagga is now represented by a part of the mounds of Telloh 
(the ancient Sirpurla) or its immediate vicinity. 

6 Nigas was an Elamite word. 

7 Semitic, signifying "gracious is his god." 


4. Is-ki-pal. 1 

5. Sussi. 2 

6. Gul-ki-sar. 3 

7. Kirgal-dara-mas, the son of the same. 

8. A-dara-kalama, the son of the same. 4 

9. A-kur-du-ana. 5 

10. M elam-kurkura. 6 

11. Ea-ga(mil ?). 7 

12. i[i] kings of the dynasty of URU-AZAGGA. 

1 Perhaps to be read in Semitic Sapin-mat-nukurti, ' ' the sweeper away 
of the land of the foe." The name seems to have been a title. 

2 Perhaps the Semitic sussu, "sixty." 

3 In Semitic Muabbid-kissati, " the destroyer of hosts. " 

4 Apparently, therefore, the son of the preceding king. 

5 Rendered by the Semitic Abil-Bel-u' sum-same, " the son of Bel (the 
lord) of the treasury of heaven." 

6 " The glory of the world." 

7 The last character is partially destroyed. If my restoration is correct, 
the name would be Semitic and signify " Ea has rewarded." 



The first eleven lines are destroyed. 

12. ii kings [of the dynasty of BABYLON] for [294 years]. 

13. Anma[n] for [5]! (years). 

14. Ki-AN [Nigas] for 55 (years). 

15. Damki-ili[su] for 46* (years). 

1 6. Is-ki-[pal] for 15 (years). 

17. Sussi, (his) brother, for 27 (years). 

1 8. Gul-ki-[sar] for 55 (years). 

19. Kirgal-[dara-mas] for 50 (years). 

20. A-dara-[kalama] for 28 (years). 

21. A-kur-du-[ana] for 26 (years). 

22. Melamma-[kurkura] for 6 (years). 

23. Bel-ga[mil?] for 9 (years). 

24. For 368 (years) the n kings of the dynasty of URU- 


25. Gandis for 16 (years). 

26. Agum-si[pak] his son for 22 (years). 

27. Guya-si[pak] for 22 (years). 2 

28. Ussi his son for 8 (years). 

29. Adu-medas for ... (years). 

30. Tazzi-gurumas for ... (years). 

1 Mr. Pinches' copy gives 36 years. 

2 Is this king merely a duplicate of his predecessor, the different 
spelling of the name having caused the annalist to divide one king into two ? 


31. [Agum-kak-rimi l for ... years]. 

The next line of this column and the first thirteen lines of 
the next are destroyed. 


14 for 22 (years). 

15 for 26 (years). 

1 6 for 17 (years). 

17. Kara . . . 2 for 2 (years). 

1 8. Gis-amme ... ti for 6 (years). 

19. Saga-sal [tiy as] for 13 (years). 

20. Kasbat his son for 8 (years). 

21. Bel-nadin-sumi for i year (and) 6 months. 
2 2. Kara-Urus 3 for i year (and) 6 months. 

23. Rimmon-nadin-suma for 6 (years). 

24. Rimmon-suma-natsir for 30 (years). 

25. Meli-Sipak 4 for 15 (years). 

26. Merodach-abla-iddin (Merodach-baladan) his son for 

13 (years). 

27. Zamama-nadin-sumi 5 for i (year). 

28. Bel-suma . . . G for 3 (years). 

29. For 576 (years) 9 months the 36 kings [of the dynasty 

of the KASSiTEs]. 7 

30. Merodach- .... for 1 7 (years). 

1 Supplied from an inscription of the king himself, who styles himself 
the son of Tassi-gurumas, the descendant of Abi . . . the son of Agum 
. . . and the offspring of the god Suqamuna. 

2 Identified by Dr. Oppert with Kudur - Bel, who, according to 
Nabonidos, was the father of Sagasalti-buryas, the latter of whom reigned 
800 years before himself (B.C. 1340). But the identification is doubtful, 
since the names do not agree. 

3 "The servant of Bel" (Kudur- Bel) in Kassite. 

4 "The man of Merodach" in Kassite. 

5 Zamama-nadin-sumi was a contemporary of the Assyrian king Assur- 
dan-an (whose name should probably be read Assur-dan, and be identified 
with that of Assur-dayan, the great-grandfather of Tiglath-Pileser I.) 

6 Or Bel-nadin- . . . 

7 The Kassites were a rude tribe of the Elamite mountains on the north- 
east side of Babylonia. Noldeke has shown that they must be identified 
with the Kossoeans of classical geography. 


31 for 6 (years). 

The next line of this column and the first four of the next 
are destroyed. 


5 for 22 (years). 

6. Merodach-nadin- ... 1 for i year and 6 months. 

7. Merodach-kul[lat] . . . 2 for 13 (years). 

8. Nebo-nadin- ... for 9 (years). 

9. For 72 (years and) 6 months the n kings of the 

dynasty of IsiN. 3 

10. Simmas-si[pak] for 18 (years). 

11. Bel-mukin-[ziri] for 5 months. 

12. Kassu-nadin-akhi for 3 (years). 

13. For 21 (years and) 5 months the three kings of the 

dynasty of the land of the Sea. 4 

14. E-ulbar-sakin-sumi for 17 (years). 

15. Uras-kudurri-[utsur] for 3 (years). 

1 6. Si/am'm (?)-Suqamu[na] for 3 months. 

17. For 20 (years and) 3 months the 3 kings of the dynasty 

of BIT-[BAZI]. 

1 8. AN . . . [an ELAMITE] for 6 (years). 

19 for 13 (years). 

1 Perhaps Merodach-nadin-akhi, the antagonist of the Assyrian king 
Tiglath-Pileser I. , 418 years before the conquest of Babylon by Sennacherib, 
and consequently B.C. 1106. 

- Perhaps the Merodach-sapik-kullat of the Synchronous Tablet, who 
was a contemporary of Assur-bil-kala, the son of Tiglath-Pileser I. 

3 Isin (PA-SE) was also called Pate' si (" the city of the high-priest" in 
Babylonia), according to W. A. I., ii. 53, 13. 

4 That is, the Persian Gulf. Merodach-baladan is described below as 
also belonging to the dynasty of the country of the Sea, and his ancestral 
kingdom was that of the Kalda or Chaldees in Bit-yagina among the 
marshes at the mouth of the Euphrates. 



20 for 6 months (and) 12 (days). 

The nc.vt twelve lines of the column and the first line of the 
fourth column are destroyed. 


2. Nebo-suma-yukin [the son of Dakuri] for ... (years). 

3. Nabu-[natsir] 1 for [14] (years). 

4. Nebo-nadin-ziri 2 his son for 2 (years). 

5. Nebo-suma-yukin his son for i month and 12 days. 

6. The 31 [kings ?] 3 of the dynasty of BABYLON. 

7. Yukin-zira of the dynasty of SASi 4 for 3 (years). 

8. Pulu 5 for 2 (years). 

9. Ulula 6 of the dynasty of TINU for 5 (years). 

i o. Merodach-abla-iddina (Merodach-baladan) of the dynasty 
of the country of the Sea for 1 2 (years). 

1 1. Sargon for 5 (years). 

12. Sin-akhe-erba (Sennacherib) of the dynasty of KHABI 

the greater for 2 (years). 

13. Merodach-zakir-sumi the son of Arad- . . . for i 


14. Merodach-abla-iddina a soldier of KHABI 7 for 6 months. 

1 5. Bel-ebus of the dynasty of Babylon for 3 (years). 

1 6. Assur-nadin-sumi of the dynasty of KHABI the greater 

for 6 (years). 

17. Nergal-zusezib for i (year). 

1 The Nabonassar of Ptolemy's Canon, B.C. 747. 

2 Called Nadinu in the Babylonian Chronicle. 

3 Possibly we should supply "years" instead of "kings." 

4 The annals of Tiglath-Pileser III show that we should read Sapi or 
Sape. Yukinzira is the Khinziros of Ptolemy's Canon. 

5 Pulu is the Pul of the Old Testament, the P6ros of Ptolemy's Canon. 
His name is replaced by that of Tiglath-Pileser in the Babylonian 
Chronicle, and the two years of his reign correspond with the two years 
during which Tiglath-Pileser reigned over Babylonia. 

6 The Shalmaneser of the Babylonian Chronicle and the Assyrian 
monuments, the Ilulaios of Ptolemy's Canon. 

7 Docs this imply that he was a different person from the famous 
Merodach-baladan, the contemporary of Sargon and Hezekiah ? 


1 8. Musezib-Merodach of the dynasty of BABYLON for 4 


19. Sin-akhe-erba (Sennacherib) for 8 (years). 

20. Assur-akhe-iddina (Esarhaddon) for [12 years]. 

21. Samas-suma-yukin (Saosdukhinos) for [20 years]. 

22. Kandal-[anu] (Khineladanos) for [22 years]. 

The rest of the tablet is destroyed. 




Only the ends of two lines in the middle have been preserved. 

.... 600 (years) he reigned. 
[The kings] (were) in all. 

Obv. COLUMN ii 

.... ili 

(AN) Illadu * the son of the same for ... (years). 
Mul-men-nunna .... 
Kbit (?)-Kis the son of .... 


Is entirely lost. It contained about seventy lines. 

Rev. COLUMN iv 

[The dynasty] of BABYLON, [n kings for 294 years]. 
'Sumu-[abi for 15 years]. 
Zabu [for 14 years.] 
Abil-Sin [for 18 years]. 
Sin-[muballidh for 30 years]. 

The next six lines are destroyed. 

The i [ i kings of the dynasty of URU-AZAGGA]. 
For 3 [6 8 years]. 

An[man] .... 
Ki[-AN-nigas] .... 

The rest of the column is destroyed. 

1 This was the Semitic reading ; the Accadian seems to have been 


Rev. COLUMN v 
The marshmen (?) of the country of the sea (were) in all : 

The 'leader of the marshmen (?) of the land of the sea 

(was) Simmas-sipak the son of Erba-Sin ; 
whose reign was prosperous : his god brought him aid ; for 

17 years he reigned. 

In the palace of Sargon (his corpse) was burned. 
Ea-mukin-zira established himself as king, the son of 

Kha'smar ; l for 3 months he reigned. 
In the vestments of BIT-KHA'SMAR he was burned. 
Kassu-nadin-akhi the son of Sappa 2 reigned for 6 years. 

[He was burned] in the palace. 
The 3 kings of the dynasty of the country of the Sea 

reigned for 23 years. 

[E]-ulbar-sakin-sumi the son of Bazi reigned for 1 5 years : 
in the palace of KAR-MERODACH [he was burned]. 

[Uras]-kudurri-utsur the son of Bazi reigned for 2 years. 

[Silanim]-Suqamuna the son of Bazi reigned for 3 months : 
in the palace of Lu . . . SA [he was burned]. 

[The 3] kings of the dynasty of the house of Bazi reigned 
for 20 years (and) 3 months. 

a descendant of the race of ELAM reigned for 

6 years. 
In the palace of Sargon he was burned. 

[One king] of the dynasty of ELAM reigned for 6 years. 

The rest of the tablet is lost. 

1 May also be read Kutmar. The word meant "a hawk" in the 
Kassite language. 2 " The Sappite. " 




1. [In the 3d year of Nabonassar] king of BABYLON 

2. [Tiglath-pileser] in ASSYRIA sat on the throne. 

3. In the same year [Tiglath-pileser] descended into the 

country of ACCAD, and 

4. the cities of RABBIKU and KHAMRANU he spoiled, 

5. and the gods of the city of SAPAZZA he carried away. 

6. In the time of Nabu-natsir (Nabonassar) the town of 


7. was separated from BABYLON. The battle which 


8. fought against BORSIPPA is not described. 1 

9. In the 5th year of Nabu-natsir Umma(n)-nigas 
10. in ELAM sat upon the throne. 

11. In (his) 1 4th year Nabu-natsir fell ill and died 2 in his 


12. For 14 years Nabu-natsir reigned over BABYLON. 

1 3. Nadinu 3 his son sat upon the throne in BABYLON. 

14. In the second year Nadinu was slain in an insurrection. 

15. For two years Nadinu reigned over BABYLON. 

1 6. Suma-yukin 4 the governor, the leader of the insurrec- 

tion, sat upon the throne. 

1 That is, in the history from which the writer extracted his chronicles. 

2 Literally "fate" (overtook him). 

3 The Nebo-nadin-ziri ("Nebo has given a seed") of the Dynastic 
Tablet ; Nadios in Ptolemy's Canon. 

4 Called Nebo-suma-yukin in the Dynastic Tablet. 


17. For 2 months and . . days Suma-yukin reigned over 


1 8. Yukin-zira . . . seized upon the throne. 

19. In the 3d year of Yukin-zira Tiglath-pileser, 

20. when he had descended into the country of ACCAD, 

21. destroyed BIT-AMUKANU and captured Yukin-zira. 

22. For 3 years Yukin-zira reigned over BABYLON. 

23. Tiglath-pileser sat upon the throne in BABYLON. 

24. In (his) 2d year Tiglath-pileser died in the month 

Tebet. 1 

25. For [22] years Tiglath-pileser the sovereignty over 


26. and ASSYRIA had exercised. For two years he reigned 

in ACCAD. 

27. On the 25th day of the month Tebet Sulman-asarid 

(Shalmaneser) in ASSYRIA 

28. sat upon the throne. He destroyed the city of 


29. In (his) 5th year Sulman-asarid died in the month 


30. For 5 years Sulman-asarid reigned over the countries 


31. On the 1 2th day of the month Tebet Sargon sat upon 

the throne in ASSYRIA. 

32. In the month Nisan Merodach-baladan sat upon the 

throne in BABYLON. 

33. In the 2d year of Merodach-baladan Umma(n)-nigas 
king of Elam 

1 December. 

2 Not to be confounded with 'Samerina or Samaria. M. Hale"vy may 
be right in identifying it with the city of Sibraim mentioned in Ezek. xlvii. 
1 6 as lying between Damascus and Hamath. 


34. in the province of DUR-ILI fought a battle against 

Sargon king of ASSYRIA, and 

35. caused a revolt from ASSYRIA : he overthrew them l 


36. Merodach-baladan and his army, which to the assistance 

37. of the king of ELAM had gone, did not obtain a battle : 

he arrived too late. 2 

38. In the 5th year of Merodach-baladan Umma(n)-nigas 

king of ELAM died. 

39. [For 3 years] Umma(n)-nigas reigned over ELAM. 

40. [Sutruk 3 -nankhun]du the son of his sister sat on the 

throne in ELAM. 
41 up to the loth year 

The remaining lines of the column are destroyed. 


1. In the . . th year .... 

2. A battle .... 

3. For 1 2 years [Merodach - baladan reigned over 


4. Sargon [sat upon the throne in BABYLON]. 4 

The next fourteen lines are destroyed. 

1 9. The Babylonians he did not oppress (?) 5 . . . 

20. he (Sennacherib) was angry also with Merodach-baladan, 

and [took him prisoner] ; 

21. he devastated his country, and . . . 

22. the cities of LARAK and SARRABA[NU G he destroyed]. 

1 That is, the Assyrians. The Annals of Sargon, on the other hand, 
claim the victory for Assyria, though Babylonia was left in the hands of 

2 Literally, "he undertook it too late" (ana arki itsbat- so). 

3 The Elamite Sutruk was identified by the Assyrians with their god- 
dess Istar. 

4 So restored by Winckler. 6 Ikhmi 's. 

6 See W. A. L, ii. 69, No. 5, 13. Larak was the Larankha of 
Berossos, which the Greek writer seems to have confounded with Surippak 
near Sippara. 


23. After his capture (Sennacherib) placed Bel-ibni upon 
the throne in BABYLON. 

24. In the first year of Bel-ibni Sennacherib 

25. destroyed the cities of KHIRIMMA and KHARARATUM. 

26. In the 3d year of Bel-ibni Sennacherib into the country 


27. descended, and devastated the country of ACCAD. 

28. Bel-ibni and his officers he transported into ASSYRIA. 

29. For 3 years Bel-ibni reigned over BABYLON. 

30. Sennacherib his son Assur-nadin-suma 

31. placed upon the throne in BABYLON. 

32. In the first year of Assur-nadin-suma Sutruk-[nan]- 

khundu l king of ELAM 

33. was seized by his brother Khallusu who closed the 

gate before him. 2 

3 4. For 1 8 years Sutruk-[nan]khundu had reigned over ELAM. 
35. His brother Khallusu sat upon the throne in ELAM. 

36. In the 6th year of Assur-nadin-suma Sennacherib 

37. descended into the country of ELAM, and the cities of 


38. PELLATUM and KHUPAPANU he destroyed. 

39. He carried away their spoil. Afterwards Khallusu the 

king of ELAM 

40. marched into the country of ACCAD and entered Sip- 

para on the march (?). 

41. He killed some people (but) the Sun-god did not issue 

forth from the temple of E-BABARA. 

42. He captured Assur-nadin-suma and he was carried to 


43. For 6 years Assur-nadin-suma reigned over BABYLON. 

1 Written Is-tar-khu-un-du. The Susian inscriptions of the king 
himself write the name Su-ut-ru-uk-[ANJ-Nakh-khu-un-te. 

2 That is, imprisoned him. 


44. The king of ELAM placed Nergal-yusezib in BABYLON 

45. on the throne. He caused [a revolt] from ASSYRIA. 

46. In the ist year of Nergal-yusezib, on the i6th day of 

the month Tammuz, 1 

47. Nergal-yusezib captured NiPUR 2 and occupied its 

neighbourhood (?). 

48. On the first day of the month Tammuz the soldiers of 

ASSYRIA had entered URUK. S 


1. They spoiled the gods belonging to URUK as well as its 


2. Nergal-yusezib fled after the Elamites, and the gods be- 

longing to URUK 

3. as well as its inhabitants (the Assyrians) carried away. 

On the yth day of the month Tisri 4 in the province 

4. he fought a battle against the soldiers of ASSYRIA and 

was taken prisoner in the conflict, and 

5. he was carried to ASSYRIA. For i year and 6 months 


6. reigned over BABYLON. On the 26th day of the 

[month Tisri ?] 

7. against Khallusu king of ELAM his people revolted, 

[the gate before] him 

8. they closed. They slew him. For 6 years Khallusu 

reigned over ELAM. 

9. Kudur in ELAM sat upon the throne. Afterwards Sen- 


10. descended into ELAM and from the country of RASI as 

far as 

11. Bix-BuRNA 5 he devastated. 

1 2. Musezib-Merodach sat upon the throne in BABYLON. 

i June. " Now Niffer. 

3 Now Warka, the Erech of Gen. x. 10. 4 September. 

5 Bit-Burna (-KI) is called Bit Buna (-KI) in the annals of Sennacherib. 


13. In the first year of Musezib-Merodach on the iyth day 

of the month Ab 1 

14. Kudur king of ELAM was seized in an insurrection 

and killed. For 10 months 

15. Kudur had reigned over ELAM. Menanu in ELAM 

1 6. sat upon the throne. I do not know the year 2 when 

the soldiers of ELAM and ACCAD 

1 7. he collected together and in the city of KHALULE a 

battle against ASSYRIA 

1 8. he fought, and caused a revolt from Assyria. 3 

19. In the 4th year of Musezib-Merodach on the i5th 

day of Nisan 4 

20. Menanu king of ELAM was paralysed, 5 and 

21. his mouth was seized and he was deprived of speech. 

22. On the first day of the month Kisleu 6 the city [of BABY- 

LON] was taken, Musezib-Merodach 

23. was taken and led away to ASSYRIA. 

24. For 4 years Musezib-Merodach reigned over BABY- 


25. On the 7th day of the month Adar 7 Menanu king of 

ELAM died. 

26. For 4 years Menanu reigned over ELAM. 

27. Khumma-khaldasu 8 in ELAM sat upon the throne. 

28. In the eighth year of the king there was ... in Baby- 

lon. On the 3d day of the month Tammuz 

29. the gods belonging to ERECH went down from the city 

of ERIDU 9 to ERECH. 

1 July. 

2 The chronicler's sources here failed him, but Winckler has pointed 
out that the battle of Khalule must have taken place in either B.C. 691 or 

3 The annals of Sennacherib claim a complete victory for the Assyrians. 

4 March. 

5 Literally, " Tetanus constricted him" (misidtuv imisid, cf. W. A. I., 
ii. 27. 47, 48). 

6 November. 

7 February. 

8 Called Umman-aldas in the Assyrian inscriptions. 
y Eridu was on the coast of the Persian Gulf. 


30. On the 3d day of the month Tisri Khumma-khaldasu 

the king of ELAM by the Fire-god 

31. was stricken and perished through \\\Q power (?) of the 

god. For 8 years Khumma-khaldasu 

32. reigned over ELAM. 

33. Khumma-khaldasu the second in the country of ELAM 

sat upon the throne. 

34. On the 2oth day of the month Tebet, 1 Sennacherib 

king of ASSYRIA 

35. by his own son 2 was murdered in an insurrection. For 

[24] years Sennacherib 

36. reigned over Assyria. From the 2oth day of the 

month Tebet until 

37. the 2d day of the month Adar is described as a 

period of insurrection in ASSYRIA. 

38. On the 8th day of the month Sivan 3 Assur-akhi-iddina 

(Esar-haddon) his son sat on the throne in 

39. In the first year of Esar-haddon, Zira-kina-esir 4 of the 

sea coast, 5 

40. when he had laid fetters on the city of ERECH ; the city 

of [ERECH ?] 

41. destroyed in sight of the officers of ASSYRIA and [fled] to 

the country of ELAM. 

42. In ELAM the king of ELAM took him and [slew him] 

with the sword. 

43. In a month I do not know the officer called Gu-cnna 

was ... in the city of NIPUR. 

44. In the month Elul, the god Gu'si 7 and the gods [of the 
city of . . .] 

1 December. 

2 It will be noticed that the chronicler speaks of only one son, whereas 
two are named in the Old Testament. 3 May. 

4 Called by Esar-haddon Nebo-zira-kina-esir (" Nebo has directed the 
established seed "), the son of Merodach-baladan. 

5 That is, of the Persian Gulf. 6 August. 

7 "The god of the favourable mouth," a local divinity (perhaps be- 
longing to Sippara, W. A. I., v. 31, 30), and identified with Uras (W. A. 
I., ii. 57, 54). 


45. proceeded to DUR-ILI ; [the gods of ] 

46. proceeded to DUR-SARGON 

47. In the month Adar the heads of 

48. In the second year the major-domo 

The next two lines are destroyed. 

Rev. COLUMN iv 

i akhe-sullim the Gu-enna. 

2. ... [the Gimirjri J marched against ASSYRIA and in 

ASSYRIA were slain. 

3. ... the city of SIDON was taken ; its spoil was carried 


4. The major-domo mustered a gathering in ACCAD. 

5. In the 5th year on the 26. day of the month Tisri the 

Assyrian soldiers BAZZA 2 

6. occupied. In the month Tisri the head of the king of 

the country of SIDON 

7. was cut off, and brought to Assyria. In the month 

Adar the head of the king 

8. of the countries of GUNDU and 'Si'sft 3 was cut off and 

brought to ASSYRIA. 

9. In the 6th year the king of ELAM entered SIPPARA. 

He offered sacrifices. The Sun-god 4 from 
10. the temple of E-BABARA did not issue forth. The Assy- 
rians marched into EGYPT. ETHIOPIA was troubled. 5 

1 So restored by Winckler. The Gimirra are the Gomer of the Old 
Testament, the Kimmerians of classical writers. 

2 Apparently the district of Arabia Petraea called Bazu by Esar-haddon, 
Buz in the Old Testament. 

3 Probably in Kilikia. 

4 The Sun-god whose temple has been discovered by Mr. Hormuzd 
Rassam in the mounds of Abu-Habba was the patron-deity of Sipar or 
Sippara. Besides " Sippara of the Sun-god," there was a neighbouring 
city called " Sippara of Anunit." The two together formed the Scriptural 
Sepharvaim or " two Sipparas." 

6 Mehikh imina. 


11. Khumma-khaldasu the king of ELAM without being 

sick died in his palace. 

12. For 5 years Khumma-khaldasu reigned over ELAM. 

13. Urtagu his brother sat upon the throne in ELAM. 

14. In a month I do not know Nadin-Suma the Gu-enna 

15. and Kudur the son of Dakuri went to ASSYRIA. 

1 6. In the 7th year on the 5th day of the month Adar the 

soldiers of ASSYRIA marched into EGYPT. 

1 7. In the month Adar Istar of the city of ACCAD and the 

gods of the city of ACCAD 

1 8. had departed from the country of ELAM and on the 

loth day of the month Adar entered the city of 

19. In the 8th year of Esar-haddon in the month Tebet 

on a day of which the date has been lost 1 

20. the country of the RURIZA was occupied; its spoil was 

carried away. 

21. In the month Kisleu its spoil was brought into the city 

of UR. 

22. On the 5th day of the month Adar the wife of the 

king died. 

23. In the tenth year in the month Nisan the soldiers of 

ASSYRIA marched into Egypt. 2 

24. On the 3d day of the month Tammuz and also on 

the 1 6th and i8th days 

25. three times the Egyptians were defeated with heavy 

loss. 3 

26. On the 22d day Memphis, 4 the royal city, was cap- 


2 7. Its king fled ; his son descended into the country of 

1 In the history from which the chronicler derived his account. 

2 The chronicler notes here that the last character in the line was 
wanting in his copy. 

3 Literally, " massacres took place in Egypt." 

4 Written Mcmbi. 


28. Its spoil was carried away; [its] men were [enslaved]; 
its goods were 

29. In the nth year the king [remained] in ASSYRIA; his 
officers . 

30. In the 1 2th year the king of ASSYRIA 

31. On the march he fell ill, and died on the loth day of 

the month Marchesvan. 1 

32. For 12 years Esar-haddon reigned over ASSYRIA. 

33. Saul-suma-yukina in BABYLON, Assur-bani-pal in 

ASSYRIA, his two sons, sat on the throne. 

34. In the accession year of Saul-suma-yukina in the 

month lyyar, 2 

35. Bel and the gods of ACCAD from the city of ASSUR 

36. had gone forth and on the nth day of the month 

lyyar had entered into BABYLON. 

37. In that year [against] the city of KlRMTUM 8 [there was 

war] ; its king is conquered. 

38. On the 2oth day of the month Tebet Bel-edir-;V (?) 

in BABYLON is seized and put to death. 

39. The first part (of the chronicle) has been written like 

its original and has been made public. 

40. The tablet of Ana-Bel-KAN the son of Libludhu 

41. the son of Nis-Sin, by the hand of Ea-iddin the son of 

42. Ana-Bel-KAN the son of Libludhu of Babylon, 

43. the 5th day of the month . . . the 22d year of Darius 

king of BABYLON, 

44. the king of the world. 

1 October. 2 April. 

3 Apparently the city of Karbat in Northern Egypt, conquered by 
Assur-bani-pal at the commencement of his reign. 




About forty lines lost. 

1. [? Ur-Damu. Acc^\ " Man of the goddess GULA." 

2. [? Babar-uru. Accl\ " The Sun-god protects." 

3. [Ur- . .]la. Ace. " Man of the Moon-god." 

4. [Ur-]Babara. Ace. " Man of the Sun-god." 

5. [Is-ki-]pal. Ace. " Sweeper away of the hostile 


6. [Gul-ki-]sar. Ace. " Destroyer of hosts." 

7. A-[dara]-kalama. Ace. " Son of the god EA king of 

the land." 

8. A-kur-du-ana. Ace. " Son of BEL (the mountain) 

of the treasury of heaven." 

9. Lugal-ginna. Ace. " Established king "(Sargon). 2 

10. The queen Azag-Bau. " The goddess BAU is holy." 


1 1 . These are the kings who after the flood are not de- 

scribed in chronological order. 

1 2. Khammu-ragas. Kas? " Of a large family." 

13. Ammi-didugga. Kas. "Of an established family." 

14. Kur-gal-zu. Kas. " Be a shepherd." 

1 That is, Accado-Sumerian. 

2 The name of the king was really Sarganu (perhaps of the same origin 
as the Biblical Serug), but his Accadian subjects misunderstood it, turning 
it into Sarru-kinu, "established king," which was written in Sumerian 

3 That is, Kassite or Kossoean. 


15. Simmas-sipak. Kas. 

1 6. Ulam-bur-yas. Kas. 

17. Nazi-Mumdas. Kas. 

1 8. Meli-Sipak. Kas. 

19. Burna-bur-yas. Kas. 

20. Kara-Urus. Kas. 

" Offspring of MERODACH." 
" Offspring of the lord of the 


"The shadow of URAS." 
" Man of MERODACH." 
" Servant [of the lord of the 

" Minister of [BEL]." 


About thirty -three lines are lost. 

i [an-]khegal. Ace. "With MERODACH is life." 

2 [an-]khegal. Ace. "With MERODACH is ver- 

3. Lu-Silig-lu-sar. Ace. " Man of MERODACH." 

4. Un-kur-Silig-alim. Ace. "The lord of the land is 

" The closer of the mouth is 


" MERODACH is an over- 
shadowing god." 

7. Sazu-ap-tila-nen-gu. Ace. "MERODACH has declared 

life to him." 

8. Ur-Nin-din-bagga. Ace. " Man of GULA [the goddess 

of life and death]." 
" Man of GULA." 
"(Man of) the god PAP- 

SUKAL." 1 

" May his name live." 
"The Moon -god has be- 

5. Gu-sermal-Tutu. Ace. 

6. Sazu-[AN]kusvu. Ace. 

9. Khumeme. Ace. 
10. Dili-khidu. Ace. 

1 1 . Mu-na-tila. Ace. 

12. Nannak-satu. Ace. 


13. Nannak-agal-duabi. Ace. "The Moon-god is strong 

over all." 

14. Labar-Nu-dimmud. Ace. "Servant of EA [lord of the 


15. Urudu-man-sun. Ace. "The god NUSKU has given." 

1 Literally " the messenger of the treasury (of heaven)." 



1 6. Kud-ur-Alima. Ace. 

17. Dun-aga-ba-khe-til. Ace. 

1 8. Damu-mu-as-khe-gal. 

1 9. Dun-gal-tur-tae. Ace. 

20. Tutu-bul-anta-gal. Ace. 

2 1 . Dugga-makh-Sazu. Ace. 

22. Khedu-lamma-ra. Ace. 

23. Mul-khe-sal. Ace. 

24. Dimir-Uru-du. 

25. Dimir-Uruk-du. Ace. 

26. Dimir-Erida-du-ru. Ace. 

11 Sweet are the loins of BEL." 
"May BAU vivify her womb." 
" May GULA be one name." 

" May BAU establish great 

and small." 
"O MERODACH as a comrade 

spare her (?)." 
" Supreme is the word of 


"PAP-SUKAL is the colossos." 
" May BEL be exalted." 
"The Moon-god as son [of 

the city UR]." 
" The god who is the son of 

"EA [as son of ERIDU, the 


The next two lines are destroyed. 

Rev. COLUMN in 
The first two lines are destroyed. 

i a-edina. Ace. "The choir of the goddess 


2. 'Si-ru. Ace. " BEL has created." 

3. Kur-nigin-garra- gurus- " URAS is their first-born." 

nene. Ace. 

4. Uras-saglitar 1 -zae-men. " URAS, thou art overseer." 


5. Uras - qalzi - nes - kiam - "URAS who loves constancy." 

mama. Ace. 

6. Mul-lil-ki-bi-gi. Ace. " BEL of Nipur has returned 

to his place." 

7. Laghlaghghi-Gar. Ace. " NEBO illuminates." 

8. Kur-gal-nin-mu-pada. " The great mountain (BEL) 

Ace. records the name." 

1 The correct reading of this word is doubtful. 


9. Aba-Sanabi-dari. Ace. 

10. Aba-Sanabi-diri. Ace. 

11. Es-Guzi-gin-du. Ace. 

12. Khu-un-zuh. Ace. 
1 3. Nab-sakh-menna. Ace. 
14. Massu-gal-Babara- gude. 

15. Ur-Sanabi. Ace. 

1 6. Lu-Damu. Ace. 

17. Tutul-Savul. ^. 

1 8. Nin-sakh-gu - nu- tatal. 

19. Agu-sag-algi. Ace. 

20. Agu-ba-tila. Ace. 

21. Larru-ningub-aL 

22. Lubar-E-gir-azagga. 

23. Bad-Mullilla. 
2 4. Nanak-gula. 

25. . . . nu-laragh-danga- 

su-mu-aldibba. Ace. 

26. [Es-Guzi-]kharsag-men. 


" Who is like BEL a bride- 

" Who is like BEL (the lord) 
of counsel." 

"The temple of E-SAGGIL 
the establishment of the 

" BEL who knows mankind." 

"BEL, prosper me." 

"What is shorn by RIMMON." 

"The man of EA." 
" The man of GULA." 
"The Sun-god has mustered." 
" PAP - SUKAL who changes 

not (his) command." 
"The Moon-god has given 

a son." 1 
" May the Moon-god vivify 

what is below him." 
"O BEL, defend the land- 

"Servant of NERGAL." 
" Minister of BEL." 
" The Moon-god is great." 
" (O Sun-)god, in difficulties 
and dangers take my 
"E-SAGGIL is our mountain." 

More than thirty lines are destroyed here. 


1. Ulam-Urus. Kas. 

2. Meli-Khali. Kas. 

" Offspring of BEL." 
" Man of GULA." 

1 The Assyro-Babylonian translation is a paraphrase, as in some other 
instances. The Accado-Sumerian compound is literally : ' ' The Moon-god 
has established a head." 


3. Meli-Sumu. Kas. 

4. Meli-Sibarru. Kas. 

5. Meli-Sakh. Kas. 

6. Nimgirabi. Kas. 

7. Nimgirabi-Sakh. Kas. 

8. Nimgirabi-Buryas. Kas. 

9. Kara-Buryas. Kas. 

10. Kara-Sakh. 

11. Nazi-Sipak. 

12. Nazi-Buryas. 


" Man of the god SUQA- 


" Man of the god SIMALIA." 
" Man of the Sun-god." 
" The merciful." 
" Merciful is the Sun-god." 
" Merciful is [BEL the lord 

of the world]." 
" Servant of [BEL lord of the 


" Servant of the Sun-god." 
[" Shadow of MERODACH."] 
["Shadow of BEL lord] of 

the world." 

The remaining eight lines arc lost. 




t. When the moon at its setting with the colour of a dust- 
cloud 2 filled the crescent, the moon was favourable 
for Sargon who at this season 

z. marched against the country of ELAM and subjugated 
the men of ELAM. 

5. Misery (?) he brought upon them ; their food he cut 

4. When the moon at its setting filled the crescent with 

the colour of a dust-cloud, and over the face of the 
sky the colour extended behind the moon during 
the day and remained bright, 

5. the moon was favourable for Sargon who marched 

against the country of [PHCENICIA], and 

6. subjugated the country of PHCENICIA. His hand con- 

quered the four quarters (of the world). 

7. When the moon increased in form on the right hand 
and on the left, and moreover [during] the day the 
finger reached over the horns, 3 

1 W. A. I. , iv. 34. The text has been translated in part by Mr. 
George Smith. The astrological notices with which the account of 
Sargon' s campaigns is associated are explained by the fact that the great 
Chaldean work on astronomy and astrology was compiled for his library 
at Accad, and that one of the objects of this work was to trace a connec- 
tion between certain astronomical occurrences and the events which im- 
mediately followed them. 

2 Ana pikhirti-Su tsirip zakiki. 

3 The moon lay Oil its back, and the distance from the extremity of 
one horn to that of another was as much as a span. 


8. the moon was favourable for Sargon who at this season 

produced /tfjy (?) [in] BABYLON, and 

9. [like] dust the spoil of BAB-DHUNA was carried away 


i o. ... he made ACCAD a city ; the city of .... he 

called its name; 
1 1. [the men of .... in the] midst he caused to dwell. 

1 2. [When the moon] on the left the colour of fire 

[on] the left of the planet, and 

13. [the moon was favourable to Sargo]nwhoat this season 

against the country of PHOENICIA 

14. [marched and subjugated it]. The four quarters (of 

the world) his hand conquered. 

15. [When the moon] behind the moon the 

four heads were placed, 

1 6. [the moon was favourable to Sargon who at this season] 

marched [against] the country of PHOENICIA and 

1 7. [subjugated the country of PHOENICIA.] His [enemies ?] 

he smote ; his heroes 
1 8 in the gate of its 1 rising. 

19. [When the moon was fixed?] and a span [the 

moon was favourable to Sargon] as for whom at this 
season the goddess [ISTAR] 

20. [with favours] filled for him his hand the 

goddess ISTAR [all countries] 

21. caused him to conquer ; against Tiri (?) .... 

22. [When the moon] appeared [like] a lion, the moon was 

favourable to Sargon who at this season 

23. was [very] exalted and a rival (or) equal had not; his 

own country was at peace. Over 

24. [the countries] of the sea of the setting sun 2 he crossed 

and for 3 years at the setting sun 

1 The Sun-god must be referred to. - The Mediterranean. 


25. [all countries] his hand conquered. Every place to 

form but one (empire) he appointed. His images 
at the setting sun 

26. he erected. Their spoil he caused to pass over into 

the countries of the sea. 1 

2 7. [When the moon on] the right hand was like the colour 
of gall, and there was no finger ; 2 the upper part 
was long and the moon was setting (?), 

28. [the moon was favourable for] Sargon who enlarged his 

palace of Delight (?) by 5 mitkhu, and 

29. established the chiefs [in it] and called it the House of 


30. When the moon was like a cloud '(?), like the colour of 

gall, and there was no finger ; 2 on the right side was 
the colour of a sword ; the circumference of the left 
side was visible ; 

31. towards its face on the left the colour extended; the 

moon was favourable for Sargon against whom at 
this season Kastubila of the country of KAZALLA 
rebelled and against KAZALLA 

32. (Sargon) marched and he smote their forces ; he ac- 

complished their destruction. 

33. Their mighty army he annihilated ; he reduced KAZALLA 

to dust and ruins. 

34. The station of the birds 4 he overthrew. 

35. When the moon was like a cloud (?), like the colour of 

1 We infer from this that Sargon had crossed over into Cyprus, and 
there erected an image of himself. This might explain why his later name- 
sake Sargon sent to the island a monument, which is now in Berlin. 
General di Cesnola brought back from Cyprus a Babylonian cylinder of 
haematite bearing the inscription, " Abil-Istar, the son of Ilu-Balidh, the 
servant of the deified Naram-Sin." The cylinder was probably executed 
either during the reign of Naram-Sin, or shortly afterwards, as the cult of 
the king is not likely to have continued after the fall of his dynasty. 

2 It could not be measured. 3 "Thus he has appointed." 

4 What this refers to it is impossible to say. The expression can hardly 
be metaphorical. 


gall, and there was no finger ; l on the right side was 
the colour of a sword ; the circumference of the left 
was visible ; 

36. and against its face the Seven 2 advanced ; the moon 

was favourable to Sargon, against whom at this 

37. the elders of the whole country revolted and besieged 

him in the city of ACCAD ; but 

38. Sargon issued forth and smote their forces ; their de- 

struction he accomplished. 


1. Their numerous soldiery he massacred; the spoil that 

was upon them he collected. 

2. " The booty of Istar ! " he shouted. 

3. When the moon had two fingers, and swords were seen 

on the right side and the left, [and] might and peace 
were on the left 

4. its hand presented a sword ; the sword in its left hand 

was of the colour of 'sukhuruni ; the point was held 
in the left hand and there were two heads ; 

5. [the moon] was favourable for Sargon who at this season 

6. subjected the men of [the country] of 'Su-EDiN 3 in its 

plenitude to the sword, and 

7. Sargon caused their seats to be occupied, and 

8. smote their forces ; their destruction he accomplished ; 

their mighty army 

9. he cut off, and his troops he collected ; into the city of 

ACCAD he brought (them) back., 

10. [When the moon] had two fingers and on the right 
side it was of the colour of a sword and on the left 
it was visible ; 

1 It could not be measured. 

2 The Seven Evil Spirits who were supposed to cause eclipses of the 

3 "The plain of the "Suti," or nomad tribes on the eastern side of 


1 1. [and against its face] the Seven advanced ; (its) appear- 

ance was of the colour of gall ; the moon was favour- 
able for Naram-Sin 

1 2. [who at] this season marched against the city of APIRAK. 


1 3. [utterly] destroyed it : Ris-Rimmon the king of APIRAK 

14. [he overthrew], and the city of APIRAK his hand con- 


15. [When the moon] on the right it was of the 

colour of a sword, and on the left it was visible ; 

1 6. [and against its face the Seven advanced ?] ; the moon 

was favourable for Naram-Sin who at this season 

1 7. marched [against the country of MA]GANNA 1 and seized 

the country of MAGANNA, and 
1 8 the king of MAGANNA his hand captured. 

19. [When against the moon] the Seven were banded, [and] 

behind it 

20 never may there be a son (?) 

1 The Sinaitic Peninsula. 


TllE names of Telloh and of the French Consul M. de 
Sarzec are no longer strange to the Orientalist of 
to-day. The situation of the mounds, which have 
hidden and preserved to our day the ruins of one of 
the most ancient centres of civilisation, is well known. 
The history of the excavations has been often written, 
and I shall not dwell upon it. Nor shall I discuss 
the results of these excavations from the point of view 
of art or archaeology. This work has been undertaken 
by a master hand in the Dfaouvertes en C/ialdee. 1 At 
present I shall only essay to follow in the steps of 
Dr. Oppert by making the monuments of stone and 
brick tell their own tale, and by questioning them 
summarily on the geography, history, politics, and 
religion of their age and country. 2 

I. The first question one thinks of asking is what 
was the name of that flourishing city of ancient 
Chaldaea which the Bedouin now knows only as 

1 See also M. L6on Heuzey's Un Palais Chaldden (Paris, Leroux, 

2 On all these points, see Rommel's Geschichte Babylonicns und 
Assyriens (Berlin, 1885-87). 


Telloh ? Considering that all the princes whose 
names occur on the monuments are entitled "kings" 
or " patesis" of Shirpurla-ki, it was generally answered 
at first : This city was Shirpurla. 1 As often hap- 
pens, the first impression has proved to be correct. 
I was wrong in questioning the identification in an 
article in the Zeitschrift fur KeilschriftforscJiung 
(i. p. 151). I had remarked that except in the title 
of the kings and patesis the name of Shirpurla -ki 
appeared very rarely in the inscriptions of Telloh, 
and that whenever a prince mentioned the site where 
a temple was erected he gave it another name 
Girsu-ki, Uru-azagga, Nina-ki, Gishgalla-ki. I now 
believe, and shall attempt to prove, that Telloh really 
represents the ruins of Shirpurla; that it was the 
general name of a great centre of population, of which 
Girsu-ki, Uru-azagga, Nina-ki, and Gishgalla-ki were 
only divisions or quarters. 

Let us first remove a hypothesis which could pre- 
sent itself to the mind. Might not Shirpurla be the 
name of a country, of which Girsu-ki and the three 
other cities mentioned above were the chief places ? 
This supposition is forbidden by the inscription of 
the statue F of Gudea, which states formally that 
Shirpurla was the beloved "city" of the goddess 
Gatumdug (col. i., cases 15, 16). It is also forbidden 

1 According to Mr. Pinches (Guide to the Kouyunjik Gallery, London, 
1885, p. 7, note 2), Shir-pur-la-ki would be an ideographic mode of 
writing the word Lagash. We should then perhaps have to compare 
W. A. I. , ii. 52, a 6^, which seems to connect a city Lagashu-ki with Urama 
or "Ur" (?). 


by W. A. I., ii. 61, 2, 37, where we learn that a temple 
otherwise unknown was situated in Shirpurla-ki. 

The list of temples given in this passage might 
open the door to another hypothesis, which must be 
removed in its turn, for it would be inconsistent with 
the relations existing between Shirpurla and the four 
other towns. In lines 34 and 35 two temples are 
named as temples of Girsu-ki. If Girsu-ki had been 
only a quarter of Shirpurla, would there not be some 
inconsistency on the part of the Assyrian scribe in 
saying : Such and such temples belong to Girsu-ki, 
such another to Shirpurla-ki ? Might one not con- 
clude that Shirpurla and the four other towns were 
separate cities ? 

Now it is certain that Gudea tells us (in the 
inscription on statue C) that he has constructed the 
temple of E-anna for the goddess Ninni or Istar in 
Girsu-ki (col. 3, cases 11, 12). We further know that 
the same Istar, the presiding deity of Erech, had a 
celebrated temple in that city which also bore the 
name of E-anna. Moreover, certain texts of Gudea 
and Dungi, which mention the construction of temples 
in Girsu-ki, come, it is believed, from other sites 
than Telloh, some from Warka or Erech, others from 
Babylon, from Zerghul and from Tel-Eed. But this 
proves nothing in favour of Erech, and still less against 
Telloh. From the fact that Istar had a temple named 
E-anna at Erech, we cannot infer that the same god- 
dess had not a temple of the same name in another 
city. We know that Nebo had a temple called 


E-Zida in Borsippa, and there were at least two 
others of the same name at Babylon and Calah. 

We cannot look for Nina-Id, any more than Girsu- 
ki, outside Telloh, or identify it with the Assyrian 
Nineveh. 1 As for the inscription cited by Dr. Hommel 
in support of the contrary view, the Museum of the 
Louvre possesses several similar ones discovered by 
M. de Sarzec at Telloh. If the text translated by 
Dr. Hommel does not come from Telloh, it must have 
been moved from its original place, like the tablet of 
black stone, with a Semitic inscription of Dungi, 
believed to have been found at Nineveh, and accord- 
ingly quoted by Dr. Hommel to show that the empire 
of the kings of Ur extended as far as that city. The 
text itself of the inscription, imperfectly copied by 
Lenormant, proves that its primitive resting-place was 
Cutha. 2 But yet more. Two princes of Shirpurla, 
Uru-Kagina in his barrel-inscription, and Gudea in the 
cylinder-inscription A, state that they have worked 
upon a canal, Nina-ki-tum-a, "the favourite river of 
the goddess Nina." In order to find this canal I 
believe it will be useless to ascend as far as the 
Khausser, the river of Nineveh, if we compare with 
the context these lines of M. de Sarzec : " In going 
from the Shatt-el-Hai' to the ruins, at 500 metres 
from the enceinte of Telloh we meet with the bed of 
an immense canal, still visible, though filled with 
sand, running from N.W. to S.E. It is possibly the 

1 The pronunciation of the name of the goddess Nina and of the city 
called after her is still problematical. 

2 See the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, iii., p. 94. 


original channel of the Shatt-el-Hai', possibly also 
some canal derived from that great artery, and intended 
to supply the city with water." l 

Uru-azagga and Gishgalla-ki still remain. The 
first must be sought near Telloh, if not in Telloh 
itself, since M. de Sarzec has found in the ruins : (i) 
at least one brick commemorating the erection by 
Gudea of a temple of the goddess Gatumdug situated 
in Uru-azagga ; 2 (2) the forepart of a lion or griffon 
of calcareous stone, which bears the same inscription 
as the brick of Gudea, some insignificant variants 
excepted ; 3 (3) a doorstep of the patesi Nammaghani, 
intended for the temple of the goddess Bau, which the 
inscriptions on several statues of Gudea place in Uru- 
azagga; 4 (4) a buttress of the patesi Entena intended for 
the temple of the goddess Gatumdug in Uru-azagga. 5 
As for Gishgalla-ki, which is known only from two 
passages in the inscription on the statue of Ur-Bau, 
one of which calls the patesi " servant of the divine 
king of Gishgalla-ki," and the other places in Gish- 
galla-ki a temple of the goddess Ninni, its name even 
remains an obscure problem. It must have been 
some locality in Telloh or its immediate vicinity. 
Otherwise the inscription of Ur-Bau would offer us 
the only example in our texts of a foreign temple 
constructed by the princes of Shirpurla, and the sole 

1 Dfcouvertes en Chaldte, p. 12. 

2 Not yet published. 

3 I owe my knowledge of this fact, as well as of several others, to the 
kindness of M. Heuzey. 

4 Dtcouvertes en Chalctte, pi. 27, i. 

5 Not yet published. 


example also of the title of "servant" of a foreign 
god assumed by one of them. 

It will now be easy for me to show that the four 
centres, Girsu-ki, Uru-azagga, Nina-Id, and Gishgalla- 
ki, were only quarters . of a large city, which bore the 
name of Shirpurla-ki. Whenever the princes who 
have reigned at Telloh wished to indicate the whole 
of their capital or their domain, we shall see that they 
called it Shirpurla-ki. Only when they preferred to 
mark the extent of their domain by means of its 
extreme or most important points, or when they 
wanted to indicate a particular spot, they employed 
the names Girsu-ki, Uru-azagga, Nina-ki, and Gish- 

It is thus that all call themselves " kings" or 
"patesis" of Shirpurla-ki. There is but one excep- 
tion, and only in one of the three inscriptions he has 
left us ; Uru-Kagina entitles himself on his cylinder 
"king of Girsu-ki." This exception can be easily 
explained, since Girsu-ki was without doubt the most 
important quarter of Shirpurla. It is thus again that 
Gudea, wishing to inform us what were the distant 
countries from which he derived the materials neces- 
sary for the buildings of his capital, expresses himself 
as follows : " By the power of Nina and Nin-girsu, to 
Gudea who holds his sceptre from Nin-Girsu, the 
countries of Magan, Melughgha, Gubi, and Nituk, rich 
in trees of every species, have sent him at Shirpurla-ki 
ships laden with all sorts of trees" (statue D, col. 4). 
Thus, too, if I understand the passage rightly, after 


having enumerated the reforms which followed his 
accession to the throne, he describes the peace result- 
ing therefrom to his country : " On the territory of 
Shirpurla-ki no one has sued him who has right 
on his side ; a brigand has entered the house of no 
one" (statue B, col. 5). 

But if the same Gudea wants to insist on the peace 
which he has given his country, and to prove that no 
part of his city was excluded from his care, he tells 
us: "Gudea, patesi of Shirpurla-ki, has proclaimed 
peace from Girsu-ki to Uru-azagga" (statue G, col. 2). 
So, too, in describing the position of a temple, the 
princes of Telloh never say that it was situated in 
Shirpurla, but more precisely in Girsu-ki, in Uru- 
azagga, in Nina-ki, or in Gishgalla-ki. 

It is very difficult at present to determine the 
approximate situation in Telloh of these different 
quarters. I will, however, make some suggestions in 
regard to them. 

The four tels or mounds on the west side of Telloh 
perhaps represent the site of Nina-ki. From one of 
them M. de Sarzec has recovered the beautiful bull 
and the tablet of black stone which bear the name of 
Dungi, and mention the erection of the temple of the 
goddess Nina. All the other tels, including the great 
tel on which stood the palace, appear to have formed 
part of Girsu-ki. It is in this region that bronzes 
and votive tablets have been discovered with the 
names of the god Nin-Girsu and of his sons Gal-alim 
and Dun-shagana ; now we cannot doubt, though we 


are not directly assured of it, that the temples of 
these three gods were situated in Girsu-ki. As for 
Uru-azagga, it is not certain that it lay in the part of 
Telloh excavated by M. de Sarzec. With the exception 
of some statues, which have certainly not been found 
in their original position, the monuments intended, 
according to their inscriptions, for this quarter of 
Shirpurla-ki are little numerous ; and some, if not 
all, appear to have been displaced, and, to use the 
expression of M. Heuzey, to have been replaced by 
the successive occupants of Telloh, which was still in- 
habited in the Parthian epoch. Nothing can be said 
concerning Gishgalla-ki, which is mentioned only on 
the statue of Ur-Bau. 

II. We now possess the names of twelve or thirteen 
princes of Shirpurla, four or five of whom bear the 
title of "king," and eight the title of "patesi." M. 
Heuzey has shown by arguments derived from the 
more archaic character of their monuments and writ- 
ing that the most ancient of these princes were the 
kings. He has also established that among the 
patesis the group comprising Entena and En-anna- 
tumma was the oldest The script used by these 
patesis is still linear like that of the kings, and not 
yet cuneiform like that of the later princes. Of 
course I refer only to the inscriptions engraved on 
hard materials, bronze or stone. For we possess a 
clay cylinder of the king Uru-Kagina, where the 
wedge already appears as distinctly as on the bricks 
and cylinders of Gudea. We know that it is just by 


the form of the stylus employed by the scribes when 
writing upon soft clay that the wedge which charac- 
terises the cuneiform script is explained. It is by 
imitation only that it has passed from writing on clay 
to writing on stone. 

The dynasties of Telloh were the following : 

(1) Kings of Shirpurla-ki : 

The earliest king known is perhaps Ur-Nina, " the 
man of Nina," of whom we have three inscriptions. 
This prince was the son of a personage called Nini- 
ghal-gin (the reading Ghal-gin being uncertain). It is 
doubtful whether Nini-ghal-gin had himself been king, 
since his son never gives him the title of sovereign. 

After Ur-Nina, according to the " Stele of the Vul- 
tures," his son, A-Kurgal (" the son of Bel " ?) reigned. 

Another passage in the Stele of the Vultures 
appears to mention a certain Igi-ginna (" he who goes 
before ") as king of Shirpurla. 

So far as we can judge from the writing, it was 
after these monarchs that Uru-kagina reigned, 1 whose 
three inscriptions have come down to us. Two of 
them call him " king of Shirpurla " ; in a third, on a 
clay cylinder, he bears, as was first recognised by Dr. 
Oppert, the title of " king of Girsu-ki." : 

(2) Patesis of Shirpurla-ki : 

The first series comprises three patesis, whose suc- 

1 See licuzey : " Un nouvcau roi de Tello," in the Revue Archdologiquc 
of 1884. 

- It would seem that a prince more ancient than Uru-Kagina and per- 
haps as ancient as Ur-Nina bore the title of " patesi" and not of " king." 
But his name still remains unknown. See below, p. 67. 


cession cannot at present be exactly determined. 
The museum of the Louvre possesses a portion of a 
buttress inscribed with the name of a patesi Entena, 
who does not record the name of his father, and 
another block bearing the name of a patesi En-anna- 
tumma, son of a patesi Entena. As the British 
Museum possesses a block inscribed by a patesi 
Entena, son of a patesi En-anna-tumma, we have a 
choice of two hypotheses. Either the patesi Entena 
of the British Museum is the same as the patesi 
Entena of the Louvre, in which case the succession 
will be: En-anna-tumma I, Entena, and En-anna- 
tumma II ; or else the Entena of the British Museum 
is the grandson of that of the Louvre, the order of the 
patesis being Entena I, En-anna-tumma, Entena II. 

Later in date than this family of princes comes 
the patesi Ur-Bau (" man of Bau ") whose statue is in 
the Louvre, together with a number of monuments 
of less importance. 

A short time after Ur-Bau comes Gudea (" the 
elect"), followed by his son and probable successor 
Ur-Nin-girsu (" man of Nin-girsu "). 1 It is of Gudea 
that the larger and more important part of the monu- 
ments of Telloh preserve the memory : eight statues, 
two large cylinders of clay, and hundreds of frag- 
ments or small texts. Of his successor we have a 
few bricks and a small object of uncertain use. 

Here must be placed, I believe, the patesi Nam- 

1 Cf. Ledrain : Communication a I' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles- 
Lettres, i2th July 1882. 


maghani (" His supremacy") whose reign is assigned 
by Dr. Hommel to a period before Ur-Bau. But 
his monuments are too few (only a door-step and 
some bricks) to allow us to determine with certainty 
his relative date. 

M. Heuzey has also made us acquainted with an- 
other patesi, Luka-ni (" His glory "). 1 His son Ghala- 
lam ma, who does not, like his father, take the title of 
patesi, offers homage in an inscription on the fragment 
of a statue to Dungi, king of Ur. 2 

It is difficult to determine, even approximately, to 
what remote epoch the dynasties of Telloh must be 
referred. We gather but little from the fact that the 
son of one of the last patesis of Shirpurla was the con- 
temporary of Dungi. For we cannot yet fix the age of 
the early kings of Ur. Let me, however, hazard a 
hypothesis, in consideration of any light it may throw 
on the dark problem of Chaldean chronology. 

I have already had occasion to cite an inscription 
of Gudea (on statue D) in which this patesi tells us 
that he received from "the countries of Magan, Me- 
lughgha, Gubi, and Nituk," vessels laden with all sorts 
of trees. The situation of Nituk is known. It was 
the Isle of Tilmun 3 in the Persian Gulf. It is not 

1 " Le Roi Dounghi " in the Revue Archdologique, April 1886. 

2 I omit a patesi of Shirpurla, En-anna, made known to us by George 
Smith in his Early History of Babylonia, and two other patesis whose 
names are quoted by Dr. Hommel from some seals (Geschichte Dab. und 
Ass., pp. 290, 293). The text translated by George Smith has not yet 
been published, and the reading of the inscriptions on the seals does not 
seem absolutely certain. 

3 [Identified with the Tylos of classical geography by Dr. Oppert, and 
with the modern Bahrein by Sir H. Rawlinson, though Professor Delitzsch 


possible, in my opinion, to look for Magan and Me- 
lughgha anywhere else than in the vicinity of the 
Sinaitic Peninsula. 1 Gubi, sometimes written Gubin, 
alone remains, which Dr. Hommel would identify 
with Byblos in Phoenicia, the Gapuna of the hiero- 
glyphic texts. I should, however, prefer to see in 
Gubi a name of Egypt, and more precisely the name 
of Coptos, the ancient Qubti. Gudea would thus in 
his list of names have followed the route of his 
vessels, starting from the most distant points to the 
north of the Red Sea, coasting along Egypt and 
turning round Arabia. If the identification of Gubi 
or Gubin with Qubti meets with the approval 
of Egyptologists and Assyriologists, the reign of 
Gudea might perhaps be placed in the interval 
between the sixth Egyptian dynasty, when the 
monuments of Pepi seem already to testify to the 
commercial importance of Coptos, 2 and the eleventh, 
when the cities of Upper Egypt obtained political 
supremacy. No one of course will dream of bringing 
the reign of Gudea down to a later date. 

How must we explain the fact that the last princes 
of Shirpurla contented themselves with the title of 
" patesi," while the most ancient took that of " king " ? 
I believe that it is difficult not to see in this fact an 
indication of the loss of its earlier independence on 

considers it to form part of the delta which has accumulated at the mouth 
of the Euphrates. Ed.} 

1 This is the opinion long ago maintained by Messrs. Lenormant, 
Oppert, and Sayce. M. Delattre has ably defended it in the memoir 
L ' Asie occidental dens les Inscriptions Assyriennes, pp. 149 seq. 

2 See Maspero : Histoire ancienne (4th edit.), p. 81. 


the part of Shirpurla and of its subjection to some other 
city, probably Ur. All the other instances we have of 
the use of the title of " patesi," lend it the sense of "lieu- 
tenant" before the name of a country, of "vicar" before 
a divine name. 1 We possess inscriptions in which the 
patesis of Nipur and of Ishkun-Sin acknowledge their 
dependency on the kings of Ur. Nebuchadnezzar II 
calls himself the patesi of the god Merodach, Sargon 
the patesi of the god Assur. The title of the earliest 
sovereigns of Assyria, " patesi of the god Assur," 
defines their power as being that either of a king- 
dom predominantly religious, or of a viceroyalty 
under a suzerain, who was without doubt Babylonian. 
It always implies the idea of lieutenant or dependant. 
Why should we admit an exception in the case of 
Shirpurla ? It is true that Gudea comes before us as 
a powerful prince. In one of his inscriptions (statue 
B) he boasts of having overthrown the city of Anshan 
in the land of Elam. But for aught we know he 
may have made this expedition in the company of 
his suzerain. Dependence, moreover, admits of de- 
grees, and it can even be purely nominal. France 
has known powerful vassals who have resisted 

III. The campaign of Gudea in Elam, in the course 
of which the city of Anshan was captured, is the only 
fact of military history of which we know. We have 
a little better information, thanks to two inscriptions 

1 [I should rather render it " High-Priest." See my Lectures on the 
Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, pp. 59-60. --Ed.~\ 


of the same patesi (those of statue B and cylinder A), 
concerning the commercial relations of his country. 
Unfortunately it is always very difficult to identify the 
geographical names recorded in the texts. 

From a passage cited above it appears that Shir- 
purla enjoyed commercial intercourse with the coun- 
tries of Nituk, Gubi or Gubin, Magan, and Melughgha. 
These four countries furnished Chaldaea with wood for 
building. But Melughgha also furnished gold, and 
Magan a hard stone, diorite, which was employed by 
the sculptors. Chaldaea was also in connection with the 
country of Martu, that is to say, with Phoenicia and 
Syria. From a mountain which seems to have been 
Amanus, it derived cedars and other trees ; from two 
other mountains of Martu Susalla and Tidanum l 
two species of stones. It is stones again that were 
imported from a mountain of Barsip, which I should 
look for in the neighbourhood of the Syrian city of 
Til-Barsip. For I believe that it is the same country 
as that which appears in W. A. L, ii. 53, a 3, under 
the varying forms of Barsip-ki and Bursip-ki. We 
know that the name of Til-Barsip was also written 
Til-Bursip. The inscription of statue B, moreover, 
tells us that the stones coming from Barsip were con- 
veyed in vessels which, according to my view, would 
have had only to descend the Euphrates. I am greatly 
tempted to ascend still farther to the north, towards 
the sources of this river, in order to find two other coun- 

1 The reading Susalla is uncertain. Dr. Hommel has compared Tid- 
anum with Tidnu, the Sumerian equivalent of Akharru (the Semitic term 
for Syria). 


tries the city of Ursu-ki, in the mountains of Ibla (or 
rather, Tilla *), which furnished wood, and Shamalum, 
or Shamanum, in the mountains of Menua, which fur- 
nished stones. But I can suggest nothing in regard 
to three other geographical names which I shall con- 
fine myself to mentioning : the mountain of Ghaghum, 
from whence Gudea procured gold; the city of Abullat 
or Abulla-Abishu (" the great gate of his fathers "), 
situated in the mountains of Ki-mash, 2 whence he 
procured copper ; and the country or city of Madga, 
in the mountains of the river Gurruda (?), 3 from whence 
he procured a product whose precise nature I am 
unable to determine. 

Certain cities of Babylonia are mentioned in our 
texts. They are the three ancient cities of Eridu 
(Nuu-ki), Larrak (Barbar-kt), and the unknown city 
of Kinunir-ki. They always appear to figure as 
sacred cities, and the last of the three only after the 
name of a goddess, Duzi-abzu, "the mistress of 

The names of the Euphrates and Tigris frequently 
occur on the two cylinders of Gudea. I believe I 
have also found in them the names of Shumer and 
Accad " Kiengi " and " Ki-burbur." But it is not 

1 Dr. Hommel has proposed to read Dalla. 

2 [Ki-mash seems to be "the country of Mas," or Arabia Petraea ; 
comp. the Mash of Genesis x. 23. The Babylonians derived a name for 
"copper," kemassu, from its Sumerian appellation. /;'</.] 

3 Can the river Gurruda have been the Dead Sea, and can the product 
derived from the neighbouring district have been bitumen, as Dr. Hommel 
has conjectured ? It is not probable that all the bitumen required for the 
buildings of Babylonia was exclusively provided by the little river of Hit. 
(See Hdt. i. 179.) 


yet possible for me to translate the passages where 
they are found. 

The inscription of statue B mentions two seas. 
" After he had caused the temple of Nin-girsu to be 
built, Nin-girsu, the lord beloved by him, has forcibly 
opened for him the roads from the sea of the high- 
lands to the lower sea." The "sea of the highlands " 
is evidently the Persian Gulf, and it is impossible to 
doubt that by the " lower sea " is intended the Medi- 

IV. For a knowledge of the pantheon of Shirpurla- 
ki we possess a document of a very great value. 
This is the list of divinities at the commencement of 
the imprecatory formula in the inscription on statue B 
of Gudea. The following are the names of the divi- 
nities, which it is important to give in the order, 
evidently sacred, in which they are enumerated in 
the inscription : 

Anna, the Sky-god, the Anu of the Semites ; 
Ellilla or Bel, " the lord of the mountain of the world," l 
where the seat of the gods was placed, as well as the 
habitation of the dead, also called " the father of the 
gods ; " Nin-gharsag or Belit, " the mistress of the 
mountain," the wife of Ellilla, and mother of the gods ; 
En-ki or Ea, " the lord of the earth" and the waters ; 

En-zu, or Sin, the Moon-god, the eldest son of 
Ellilla ; Nin-girsu or Ninib, the Chaldean Hercules, 
the son and warrior of Ellilla ; Nina, the daughter of 
Ea, who has the same titles as Nin-dara, and may 

1 In an abbreviated form, " the lord of the world." 


therefore be regarded as the consort of this god ; 
Nin-dara, who is the god Ninib l under another name ; 
Gatumdug, the daughter of Anna, who is the goddess 
Bau under another name ; Bau, daughter of Anna 
and wife of Nin-girsu ; Ninni or Nana, the Ishtar of 
the Semites, another daughter of Anna ; Shamash, 
the Sun-god, the son of En-ki or Ea ; Pasagga, the 
Ishum of the Semites, who is undoubtedly only an- 
other form of Gibil, the Fire-god, the son of En-ki or 
Ea ; 

Gal-alim, the son of Nin-girsu ; Dun-shagana, 
another son of Nin-girsu ; Nin-mar-ki, the eldest 
daughter of Nina ; 

Duzi-abzu, "lady of Kinunir-ki;" Nin-gish"-zida, 
the god of Gudea. 

It will be observed that this list arranges the 
divinities in three generations. In the first come the 
four great gods, including a goddess, distinguished 
also by the later Assyro-Babylonian religious systems, 
and from whom all the other gods proceed. Next 
are placed the sons and daughters of these deities. 
Lastly come the grandchildren. I have been obliged 
to put Duzi-abzu and Nin-gish-zida by themselves, 
since no text has as yet given us any information con- 
cerning them. 2 But we may believe that one of them 
Nin-gish-zida must be mentioned at the end of the 

1 [Or Uras. Ed.} 

2 If our Duzi-abzu is a goddess and her title of "lady of Kinunir-ki " 
does not allow us to doubt it it is clear that we cannot identify her with 
the god Duzi-abzu who is named in W. A. L, ii. 56, 33-38, as one of the 
six sons of Ea. It is necessary to understand six sons in this passage, and 
not six children, since the following line names " a daughter" of Ea. 


list, whatever may have been his rank in the divine 
family, since, as we shall see, he was the special deity 
of Gudea and his intercessor with the other gods. 

The preceding list does not give all the gods 
mentioned in the texts of Telloh ; some even are 
absent who had their temples in Shirpurla. Without 
pretending to be complete, I may further enumerate 
the god Nin-agal, who is only another form of En-ki ; 
the god Shidlamta-ena, another name of Nin-girsu, 
and the Nergal of the Semites ; the god Nin-sar, yet 
another name of Nergal ; the goddess Nin-tu, another 
designation of Nin-gharsag ; the god Uru-ki or Sin ; 
the god Nirba; perhaps the god Nin-shagh, Pap-sukal; 
a god called the "king" of Gishgalla-ki ; a goddess 
Ku-anna; a god Dun-sir (?)-anna ; seven sons of 
Bau, who are termed Zazaru (or Zazauru), Im-ghud- 
ena, Ur-un-ta-ena (or Gim-nun-ta-ena), Ghi-gir-nunna, 
Ghi-shaga, Gurmu, and Zarmu. 

In a learned article in the Zeitschrift filr Assyri- 
ologie (ii. pp. 179 seq^ Prof. Tiele has shown that at 
Babylon, by the side of the local god Bel-Merodach 
and even in his temple of E-shagil, his wife and son 
Zarpanit and Nebo were also adored ; that at Bor- 
sippa, by the side of the supreme god Nebo and in 
his temple of E-Zida, his consort Nana was wor- 
shipped. If we remember that other temples existed 
at Babylon dedicated to various other deities, we shall 
readily admit that the cult rendered to these gods 
was offered by reason of their being the mother, the 
brothers, or the sisters of the principal divinity. We 


may remark, moreover, that the supreme god of the 
national or local pantheon was hardly ever one of the 
primordial deities. The latter, indeed, appear to me 
to have been born after their sons, in consequence of 
the need experienced by the mind of man to establish 
for his god a family analogous to his own, with 
parents, wife, and children. The two exceptions 
which may be instanced from Nipur and Eridu are 
not certain. Dr. Hommel has remarked that one text 
at all events names Ninib and not Bel as the chief 
divinity of Nipur. As for Eridu, I do not feel sure 
that the principal deity there was really Ea. This 
god had certainly a temple in Eridu, just as he had 
at Shirpurla-ki, but in both cities it was under the title 
of the divine father that he was adored. The very 
interesting inscription on a brick of a patesi of Eridu, 
named Idadu, which is unfortunately still unpublished, 
would lead us to suppose that the chief god of the 
place was Nin-Eridu, possibly a name of Merodach. 1 

The supreme god of Shirpurla was Nin-girsu, 
whose consort was the goddess Bau. Both were 
worshipped under different titles. Besides the temples 
in which he was invoked as Nin-girsu, he had others 
in Girsu-ki, where he was known as Nin-dara and 
Shidlamta-ena. Similarly the goddess was not only 
adored as Bau, but she was also worshipped in Uru- 
azagga as Gatumdug and in Nina-ki as Nina. Three 
at least of the parent gods had sanctuaries in Shir- 

1 See George Smith in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
Archceology, i. p. 32. 


purla, Ellilla (called specially "the father of Nin- 
girsu"), En-ki, and "the mother of the gods," Nin- 
gharsag. Temples were even dedicated to En-ki 
under his two titles of En-ki and Nin-agal. We may 
question whether it was in virtue of her being his wife 
or his sister that Ninni possessed a temple in Girsu- 
ki and another in Gishgalla-ki ; and also whether Nin- 
gish-zida, in his special temple at Girsu-ki, was wor- 
shipped as being a brother of the god or as being the 
god himself under a fourth manifestation. It is cer- 
tain,on the other hand, that Gal-alim and Dun-shagana 
had each a temple because they were the sons of 
Nin-girsu, and that Nin-mar-ki had one because she 
was the daughter of Nina. We do not know at pre- 
sent what were the grounds of relationship which 
caused temples to be erected in Girsu-ki to the god- 
desses Ku-anna 1 and Duzi-abzu. It is possible that 
some of these numerous temples were only chapels 
situated in E-ninnu, the favourite sanctuary of Nin- 
girsu ; those, for example, which belonged to the sons 
of the god. 

While regarding Nin-girsu as the supreme object 
of his cult, as "his king," to use the stereotyped ex- 
pression, each prince of Shirpurla-ki selected also a 
special deity from among the divine family, who acted 
as his intercessor with Nin-girsu. 2 We are acquainted 
with the deities of five of these princes. That of Uru- 

1 Consort of the god Martu, according to the Collection de Clercq, cyl. 
114. Cf. W. A. I., iii. 67, b 35. 

2 See more especially the last lines of inscription No. i of King Uru- 
Kagina. M. Heuzey has drawn my attention to the lines, which have been 
translated for the first time by Dr. Oppert. 


Kagina was perhaps Nin-shagh or Pap-sukal though 
the reading is doubtful ; that of Enteha and En- 
anna- tumma was Dun-sir(?)-anna ; that of Ur-Bau 
was Nin-agal ; that of Gudea, Nin-gish-zida. 

We have not yet succeeded in ascertaining the 
exact sense of the various appellations of Nin-girsu 
and his wife Bau ; it is consequently impossible to 
define with precision the character and personality 
of these divinities. We may admit, however, that 
Nin-girsu was a solar deity, personifying more par- 
ticularly the sun when veiled in clouds ; hence the 
combative and military aspect of the god. Like 
Apollo, with whom he would be more fitly compared 
than with Hercules, he was at once an avenger and 
a saviour, a huntsman, and perhaps a shepherd. 
As for Bau, who was termed " the mother " par ex- 
cellence, and to whom were given the titles of " good 
lady," " Mistress of Abundance," she was a terrestrial 
divinity, resembling in many points the Demeter of 
the Greeks. It is even possible that like Demeter 
she presided also over Hades, and not only over the 
living and fertile earth. Two of our texts mention 
a festival of Bau, which occurred, if I understand the 
passage aright, at the commencement of the year ; 
and it appears to result from another inscription that 
the chief festival of Nin-girsu took place at the same 
time. Indeed it is probable that it was at the be- 
ginning of the year, at the vernal equinox, that the 
cities of Babylonia and Assyria alike celebrated the 
festivals of their gods. 


The following translations comprise almost all 
the texts hitherto brought from Telloh, with the 
exception of the inscription on the so-called Stele of 
the Vultures and those on the two large cylinders of 

Restorations of the text are indicated by brackets 
[ ]. Words placed in parentheses ( ) have been 
added in order to render the sense more intelligible. 

Certain of the inscriptions have been published 
in Decouvertes en Chaldee, par E. de Sarzec, edited by 
L. Heuzey, of which the first two parts have appeared 
in 1884 and 1887. 



1. Nina-ur 

2. king 


4. son of Nini-ghal-gin, 

5. the temple of the god NIN-GIRSU 

6. has erected. 

7. The Ib-gal (?) 

8. he has erected. 

9. The temple of the goddess NINA 
10. he has erected. 


1. The Sig-nir (?) 

2. he has erected. 

3. His tower in stages (?) 

4. he has erected. 

5. The temple of ^1 ... 

6. he has erected. A 

7. The temple of E-GHUD 

8. he has erected. 

9. His observatory (?) 
10. he has erected. 

1 Ddcouvertes en Chaldde, pi. 2, No. i. Translated by Dr. Oppert in 
a Communication to the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, 2d 
March 1883. 



? [The palace] 

1. of the Ti-ash-ra (?) 

2. he has erected. 

3. The temple of the goddess GATUMDUG 

4. he has erected. 

5. The great apzu l 

6. he has constructed. 

7. After that the temple of NIN-GIRSU 

8. he has caused to be erected 

9. seventy great measures (?) of corn 
i o. in his house of fruits 


? [he has stored up.] 

1. From MAGAN 2 

2. the mountain 3 

3. all sorts of wood he has imported. 

4. The castle 4 of SHIRPURLA 

5. he has built. 

6. The small apzu 

7. he has constructed ; 


? [in the temple] 

1. of the goddess NINA, lady of destinies (?), 

2. he has placed it. 

3. Two statues (?) 

4. he has set up (?); 

5. these two statues (?) . . . 


1 [The apzu, or "deep," was the basin for purification attached to a 
Babylonian temple, corresponding to the "sea" of Solomon. Ed.] 

2 The Sinaitic Peninsula, perhaps including Midian. 

3 Or " the country." 4 Or "wall." 



NO. 2. 1 COLUMN I 

1. Nina-ur 

2. the king 


4. son of Nini-ghal-gin, 

5. the habitation (?) of GIRSU 


1. has constructed. 

2. The bricks of the foundation (?) 

The inscription breaks off here. 

No. 3. 2 COLUMN i 

1. Nina-ur 

2. the king 



i . the son of Nini-ghal-g[in]. 

1 Dtcouvertes, pi. 2, No. 2. Translated by Dr. Hommel, Geschichte 
Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 285. 

2 L. Heuzey, "Les Rois de Tello," in the Revue Archtologique, Nov. 






1. [pate]si 

2. [of SHIRPUR]LA 


1. [of the god] NIN-GIRSU 

2. [the . . . ] dun 

3. has constructed. 

4. The palace of Ti-ra-ash-di (?) 

5. he has built, 

6. and he has . . . 

7. E-an-[na]-du 2 

8. covered with renown 


1. by the god NIN-GIRSU, 

2. for the countries 

3. by the power of the god NIN-GIRSU 

The last lines are destroyed. 

1 Ddcouvertes, pi. 2, No. 3. The writing used in this inscription 
resembles that of the inscriptions of Ur-nina and the Stele of the Vultures 
more than any other. However, the little that remains of the first column 
seems to indicate that it belongs to a patesi and not to a king, perhaps to 
an E-anna-du. 

2 This proper name is mutilated, but I believe my reading very prob- 
able. Cf. the Stele of the Vultures, Obv. i. i. 




1. For the god NIN-GIRSU 

2. the warrior of the god ELLILLA, 

3. Uru-Kagina, 

4. the king 


6. his temple 

7. has constructed. 

8. His palace of Ti-ra-ash 

9. he has constructed. 


1. The an-ta-shur-ra 

2. he has constructed. 

3. The E-gish-me-ra 

4. in order to [be] the E-ne-bi of the countries 

5. he has constructed. 

6. The house of fruits which produces abundance (?) 

in the country 

7. he has constructed. 

8. For the god DUN-SHAGANA 

9. his habitation of AKKIL 


1. he has constructed. 

2. For the god GAL-ALIMMA 

3. the temple of E-ME-GAL-GHUSH-AN-KI 

4. he has constructed. 

1 From a squeeze in the Louvre. Translated by Dr. Oppert in a 
Communication to the Acaddmie des Inscriptions, agth February 1884. 



The temple of the goddess BAU 1 
he has constructed. 
For the god ELLILLA 
the temple of E-ADDA, 2 
his im-sag-ga, 


1. he has constructed. 

2. The Bur(?)-sag, 

3. his temple which rises to the entrance of heaven (?), 

4. he has constructed. 

5. Of Uru-Kagina, 

6. the king 


8. who the temple of E-NINNU 

9. has constructed, 
10. his god 







is the god NIN-SHAGH. S 

For the life of the king 

during the long days to come 

before the god NIN-GIRSU 

may he (NIN-SHAGH) bow down his face ! 


the god NIN-GIRSU], 
the] warrior 
~of the god EL]LILLA, 
the] king 

1 [Bau is probably the Baau of Phoenician mythology, whose name was 
interpreted "the night," and who was supposed along with her husband 
Kolpia, " the wind," to have produced the first generation of men. The 
word has been compared with the Hebrew bohu, translated " void " in Gen. 
i. z. Ed.] 

2 [' The temple of the father." Ed. ] 

3 Or Nin-dun. 


7. [the Antd\-Shurra, 

8. [the house] of abundance of his country, 

9. [has] constructed. 

i o. His [palace] of Ti-[ra-ash] 

ii. [he] has constructed. 

Lines 1 2 and 1 3 are destroyed. 

14. [For the god] GAL-ALIMMA 

Lines 15-21 are destroyed. 

22. [he has] constructed. 

23. [For the god] NIN-SAR, 

24. the bearer [of the sword ?] 

25. [of the god] NIN-GIRSU, 

26. his temple 

27. he has constructed. 

28. [For the god . . .] GIR (?) 

29. the well-beloved 

30. [of the god] NIN-GIRSU 

31. his temple 

32. he has constructed. 

33. The ur(t)-sag, 

34. his temple which rises to the entrance of heaven (?), 

35. he has constructed. 

36. For the god ELLILLA 

37. the temple of E-ADDA, 1 

38. his im-sag-ga, 

39. he has constructed. 

40. For the god NIN-GIRSU 

41. the sanctuary (?) 

42. of E-melam-kurra 2 

43. he has constructed. 

44. The temple wherein dwells (?) the god NIN-GIRSU 

45. he has constructed. 

46. Of Uru-Kagina, 

1 ["The temple of the father." Ed.'] 
2 ["The temple of the brilliance of the (eastern) mountain." Ed.} 


47. who the temple 

48. of the god Nin-ciRSU .... 

The inscription breaks off here, having never been finished. 


The first lines are lost. 

1. Uru-Kagina, 

2. the king 

3. of GIRSU-KI, 

4. the Anta-shurra, 

5. the house of abundance of his country, 

6. his palace of TI-RA-ASH, 

7. has constructed. 

8. The temple of the goddess BAU 

9. [he has] constructed. 



The first lines are lost. 

1. he has [constructed]. 

2. For the god [DUN-SHA]GA[NA] 

3. his habitation of [AKKIL] 

4. he has [constructed]. 

5. For the god .... 

6. his tablet-like amulets (?) 2 

7. (and) his temple he has made. 

8. In the middle (of this temple) 

9. for the god ZA-ZA-URU, 

10. for the god IM-GHUD-N, 

11. for the god GIM-NUN-TA-N-A 

1 Ddcouvertes, pi. 32. 

2 Possibly the small tablets of white or black stone buried under the 
foundations of the temples. These tablets were sometimes of metal ; those, 
for example, discovered at Khorsabad. It seems that some consisted also 
of ivory and precious wood ; see W. A. I., i. 49, col. 4, 12. 


12. temples he has built for them. 

13. For the god NIN-SAR 



The first lines are lost. 

1. [For the god ELLIL]LA 

2. [the temple of E-JADDA, his [im-]sagga, 

3. he has constructed. 

4. For the goddess NINA, 

5. her favourite river, 

6. the canal NINA-KI-TUM-A 

7. he has excavated (?). 

8. At the mouth (of the canal), an edifice. 

Fragments of four other columns remain. 



1. To the goddess GATUMDUG, 

2. the mother of SHIRPURLA-KI, 

3. Entena, 

4. the pat'esi 


6. who has built the temple of the goddess GATUMDUG. 

7. His god 

8. is the god DUN-SIR(?)-ANNA. 



1. For the god NiN-Gmsu, 

2. the warrior of the god ELLILLA, 

3. En-anna-tumma, 

4. the patesi 


6. the chosen of the heart 

7. of the goddess NINA, 

8. the great patesi 

9. of the god NIN-GIRSU, 

10. the son of Entena 

11. the patesi 


1 3. For the god NIN-GIRSU 

14. his house of fruits 

15. he has restored. 

1 6. Of En-anna-tumma, 

17. who the house of fruits 

1 8. of the god NIN-GIRSU 

19. has restored, 

20. his god 

21. is the god DUN-SIR(?)-ANNA. 

1 Ddcouvertes, pi. 6, No. 4. 




1. To the god NIN-GIRSU 

2. the powerful warrior 

3. of the god ELLILLA, 

4. Ur-Bau 

5. the patesi 


7. the offspring begotten 

8. by the god NIN-AGAL, 

9. chosen by the immutable will of the goddess NINA, 

10. endowed with power by the god NIN-GIRSU, 

11. named with a favourable name by the goddess BAU, 

12. endowed with intelligence by the god EN-Ki, 2 


1. covered with renown by the goddess NINNI, 

2. the favourite servant of the god who is king of GISH- 


3. the favourite of the goddess DUZI-ABZU. 

4. I am UR-BAU ; 

5. the god NIN-GIRSU is my king. 

6. The site of ... . 3 he has excavated. 

7. The earth thence extracted, like precious stones, he has 

measured (?) ; 

8. like a precious metal he has weighed (?) it. 

1 Dlcouvertes, pll. 7 and 8. Translated by Dr. Oppert in a Communi- 
cation to the Acaddmie des Inscriptions, 3151 March 1882. 

2 [Also called Ea, the god of the deep. Ed.} 

3 Perhaps some edifice previously dedicated to the goddess Bau. The 
characters are destroyed. 



1. According to the plan adopted he has marked out a 

large space ; 

2. into the middle (of it) he has carried this earth, 

3. and he has made its mundus. 1 

4. Above, a substructure 6 cubits high, he has built. 

5. Above this substructure 

6. the temple E-NiNNU, which illumines the darkness (?), 

30 cubits in height, 

7. he has built. 

8. For the goddess NiN-GHARSAG, 2 the mother of the 



1. her temple of GIRSU-KI 

2. he has constructed. 

3. For the goddess BAU, 

4. the good lady, 

5. the daughter of ANNA, 

6. her temple of URU-AZAGGA 

7. he has constructed. 

8. For the goddess NINNI, the lady august, the sove- 

reign (?), 

9. her temple of GISHGALLA-K.I 

10. he has constructed. 

1 1. For the god EN-KI, the king of ERIDU, 

12. his temple of GIRSU-KI 


1. he has constructed. 

2. For the god NIN-DARA, S the lord of destinies (?), 

3. his temple he has constructed. 

4. For the god NIN-AGAL, 

1 This translation of these six lines is given under reserve. Should we 
compare the ceremonies at the foundation of cities in classical antiquity? 

2 ["The lady of the mountain." Ed.] 
8 [OrUras. Ed.~\ 


5. his god, 

6. his temple 

7. he has constructed. 

8. For the goddess NiN-MAR-Ki 1 

9. the good lady, 

10. the eldest daughter of the goddess NINA, 

11. the Esh-gu-tur (?), the temple of her constant choice, 

12. he has constructed. 


1. For the god .... 

2. the shepherd . . . [of] GIR-[SU-KI], 

3. his temple . . . 

4. he has constructed. 

5. For the goddess Ku-ANNA, 2 

6. the lady of the cloudy sky (?), 

7. her temple of GIRSU-KI 

8. he has constructed. 

9. For the goddess DUZI-ABZU, 

10. the lady of KINUNIR-KI, 

1 1. her temple of GIRSU-KI 

12. he has constructed. 

The remaining inscriptions of Telloh will be translated 
in the next volume. 

1 [' ' The lady of the city of Mar. " Ed. ] 

2 The consort of the god Martu [or Rimmon], according to a cylinder 
belonging to M. de Clercq (No. 114) ; cf. W. A. I., iii. 67, b. 35. 



THIS short inscription of twenty-seven lines is one 
of peculiar interest. It is a record, written in the 
Akkadian language, of an endowment, made by an 
early Mesopotamian king with a Semitic Babylonian 
name, to the great temple at Erech called E-ana ; l 
and it is not an original, but a copy in clay, written by 
a man named Nabu-baladhsu-iqbi, of a stone tablet 
kept, in ancient times, in the great temple known as 
li-zida, now the ruin called the Birs-i-Nimroud the 
supposed tower of Babel. Great care has been taken 
by the copyist in inscribing the tablet; and the forms 
of the characters, as he has given them, probably 
reproduce fairly well the archaic style of the original. 
The text itself covers the greater part of the two 
sides of the clay tablet, which is, like most of the 
documents of this kind found in Babylonia and 
Assyria, flat or nearly so on the obverse, and 
curved on the reverse. The last three lines, which 

1 Written -an-na in the inscriptions. The end-syllable -na is, how- 
ever, generally regarded as a kind of phonetic complement, and the n is 
therefore not really double. The name means " House of heaven." 


are separate from the others, are written smaller, and 
are in the later Babylonian style of writing. Unlike 
the rest, also, they are written in the Semitic-Baby- 
lonian language. The size of the tablet is 4^- inches 
by 2-| inches, the thickness in the thickest part being 
i^- inch. The colour is a very light yellow ochre. 

As the word-order in Akkadian differs consider- 
ably from English, no attempt is made to preserve 
the divisions of the lines of the original ; by this 
arrangement translations from these ancient tongues 
are much more easily understood. 


Sin-gashid, 1 king of ERECH, 2 king of AMNANUM, and 
patron 3 of &-ANA, to LUGAL-BANDA his god and NIN-GUL 
his goddess. When he built -ANA he erected &-KANKAL, 
the house which is the seat of the joy of his heart. 4 Dur- 
ing his dominion he will endow it with 5 30 gur of wheat, 
1 2 mana of wool, i o mana of produce, 1 8 qa of oil accord- 
ing to 6 the tariff, and i shekel of gold. May his years be 
years of plenty. 


Copy of the tablet of ww-stone, the property 7 of &-ZIDA, 
which Nabu-baladhsu-iqbi, son of Mitsiraa, 8 has written. 

It may not be without interest to give here a 
transcription of the original text into Roman char- 

1 This name is probably for Sin-kashid, ' ' the Moon-god has made 

2 The Akkadian form is Unuga. 

3 Literally "nourisher" (ua, equivalent to the Semitic -Babylonian 

' The Akkadians here use the compound sha-ghulla, " heartjoy." 

8 Literally, "measure out to it." 

Or, perhaps, "according to the tariff of the time." 

7 The original has the Akkadian word nigga Semitic- Babylonian 

8 Mitsiraa, "the Egyptian." 


acters, omitting the determinative prefixes, which 
were probably not pronounced : 

Lugal-banda, dingiranir, Nin-gul amanir, Sin- 
gashid, lugal Unuga, lugal Amnanum, ua -ana. 
Ud E-ana mu-dua, -kankal, e ki-tur shaghulakane, 
munen-du. Bala nam-lugalakani ba she-gur-ta, ghu- 
min mana sig-ta, ghu mana um-ta (ghu-ussa-qa *) sal- 
gish-ta, kilama dana-ka, guskin gi ge ghipdazig. 
Mua-ni mu ghigala ghia. 

Gabri narua sha ushi, nigga E-zida, Nabu-bal- 
adhsu-iqbt, abil Mitsiraa, isdhur. 

The text begins with an invocation to Lugal- 
banda and his consort Nin-gul, who seem to have 
been Sin-gashid's patron god and goddess. He then 
speaks of -ana, one of the great temples of Erech 
(which was, perhaps, Sin-gashid's capital), and E-kan- 
kal, probably one of the shrines in E-ana. Judging 
from the wording, Sin-gashid seems to claim to be 
the founder of both those fanes, though it is probable 
that he only rebuilt them. Sin-gashid then gives a 
list of the amounts of produce, etc., with which he 
had endowed the shrine, and ends with a pious wish 
for his country. The date of the original of this in- 
scription may be set down at about 2600 B.C. The 
copy which has come down to us, however, probably 
dates from the time of the antiquarian revival in 
Babylonia during the reign of Nabonidus, father of 

1 This is represented on the tablet by a single character formed with 
four wedges (three horizontal and one upright) of the same form as the 
character as. This character is equivalent to 3x6 ( = 18) qa. 



It is to be noted that the inscription is dedicated 
to a god and a goddess whose names I provisionally 
transcribe as Lngal-banda ("powerful king," or "king 
of youthful strength ") and Nin-gul, his consort (as 
we learn from the second volume of the Cuneiform 
Inscriptions of Western Asia, pi. 59, 11. 24 and 25 1 ). 
This identification of Ningul as the consort of Lugal- 
banda is important, as it shows that Sin-gashid, who 
calls her his mother, and himself her son, 2 did not 
mean to imply that she was his real earthly parent, 
but that he simply traced his descent from her, thus 
asserting his divine origin. The late George Smith's 
double-queried " Belat-sunat " (as he transcribed the 
name Nin-gul), " the earliest known queen in the 
Euphrates valley," must therefore be erased from the 
list of historical rulers in Erech. 

The temple E-ana was probably the principal 
fane in the city of Erech, and -kankal 3 was prob- 
ably one of the shrines within it. It is not improb- 
able that the -kankal mentioned here is the same 
as, or the fellow-shrine to, the 6-ghili-ana mentioned 
by Assur-bani-pal as the sanctuary, apparently in or 
connected with 6-ana, to which he restored the 
image of the goddess Nana, which was carried off 
by the king of Elam, Kudur-nankhundi, about 2280 

1 From a comparison of the other names in the text there published, it 
would seem that other possible readings of these two names are Uvutn- 
banda or On-banda and &n-gul or -gul. Fresh excavations in the East 
can alone determine these points. 

2 Cun. Ins. of W. Asia, vol. i. pi. 3, No. viii. (Brick from the sum- 
mit of the Bovvarieh ruin at Warka). 

3 ' ' The house of the sanctuary " (?). 


rears before Christ. As the date of Sin-gashid is 

loubtful, 1 it is impossible to say with certainty 

whether the capture of the image of Nana by the 

Elamites took place before or after his reign, but 

it was probably after. 2 

The inscription here translated and explained is 
a duplicate of one published in the fourth volume of 
the Ctmeiform Ins. of W. Asia, pi. 35, No. 3, from 
two cones from Warka. 3 Of this text, which is 
rather roughly written, and which gives a few inter- 
esting variants from the text translated above, a 
tentative translation was given by the late George 
Smith in his " Early History of Babylonia," pub- 
lished in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
Archeology ', vol. i., and in the first series of the 
Records of the Past, vol. iii. 

1 He may be regarded as having reigned about 2600 B.C. 

2 The text of Assur-bani-pal's description is as follows : "For 1635 
years had the goddess Nana been angry, had gone, and had dwelt within 
Elam, which was not her proper place ; and in those days she and the 
gods her fathers proclaimed my name to the dominion of the world. She 
intrusted to me the return of her divinity thus : ' Assur-bani-pal shall bring 
me out of the midst of wicked Elam, and shall cause me to enter within 
E-ana.' The words of the command of her divinity, which she had 
spoken from remote days, she again revealed to the later people. I 
grasped the hand of her great divinity, and she took the straight road, 
with joy of heart, to E-ana. In the month Kisleu, on the first day, I 
caused her to enter Erech, and in E-ghili-ana, which she loves, I caused 
an everlasting shrine to be founded for her." 

3 The ancient Erech, in which the temple E-ana was situated. 


IN connection with the text referring to E-ana in 
Erech, the following, a kind of penitential psalm 
written in the Sumerian dialect, with a translation 
into Semitic-Babylonian, which I have entitled " The 
Erechite's lament over the desolation of his father- 
land," may be here very appropriately appended. 
This interesting composition, if not actually written 
and sung after the carrying away of the statue of the 
goddess Nana by the Elamities, might well have 
been chanted by the sorrowing Erechites on that 

The fragment as published (Cun. Ins. of W. Asia, 
iv. 19, No. 3) begins with the reverse of the text, and 
breaks off when rather less than half-way through it. 
Of the obverse, which is as yet unpublished, the re- 
mains only of about sixteen lines at the bottom are 
left. What remains of the obverse refers to the 
devastation wrought by an enemy in the city of 
Erech, and the subject is continued on the reverse, 
which ends in a kind of litany. The following is a 
free rendering of the inscription on the reverse. 


Pw long, my Lady, shall the strong enemy hold thy sanc- 
tuary ? 

There is want in ERECH, thy principal city ; 
Blood is flowing like water in E-ulbar, the house of thy 

oracle ; 
He has kindled and poured out fire like hailstones on all 

thy lands. 

My Lady, sorely am I fettered by misfortune ; 
My Lady, thou hast surrounded me, and brought me to 


The mighty enemy has smitten me down like a single reed. 
Not wise myself, I cannot take counsel ; 1 
I mourn day and night like the fields. 2 
I, thy servant, pray to thee. 
Let thy heart take rest, let thy disposition be softened. 

weeping, let thy heart take rest. 

let thy heart take rest. 

save (?) thou. 

Translations of this text have been given by G. 
Smith, Lenormant, Halevy, Hommel, and Zimmern, 
and a drawing of the reverse of the fragment, accom- 
panied with a transcription and translation, was given 
by me in the Babylonian and Oriental Record for 
December 1886. 

1 Literally, *' I do not take counsel, myself I am not wise (Sumerian : 
Dimmu nu-mundib, ni-mu nu-mushtugmen ; Assyrian : Dheme ul tsabtaku, 
ramani -ill khasaku}. 

Better, perhaps, " Like the marshland, day and night I groan." 



THIS inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I. is the longest 
and most important of the early Assyrian records 
that have come down to us. The genealogical 
details given in it are of great value for determining 
the chronology and succession of the earlier monarchs 
of Assyria, while the description of the campaigns of 
the king throws a brilliant and unexpected light on 
the ancient geography of Western Asia. To the 
geographer, indeed, the care with which Tiglath- 
Pileser enumerates the countries he overran and the 
cities he sacked is of inestimable importance. A 
new chapter has been added to the history of ancient 
geography, and we now possess a fairly complete 
map of the districts north and north-west of Assyria 
before the overthrow of the Hittite power had brought 
with it revolution and change. We find geographical 
names of similar form stretching westwards from the 
neighbourhood of Lake Van to the confines of Asia 
Minor, together with evidence that tribes like those 


of the Moskhi and Tibareni, whose scanty relics 
in later days found a refuge on the shores of the 
Black Sea, once inhabited extensive tracts on the 
slopes of the Taurus Mountains. A new world has, 
in fact, been opened up to the geographer. 

Equally new is the world that has been opened 
up to the historian. The date of Tiglath-Pileser I 
can be approximately fixed by the help of an inscrip- 
tion of Sennacherib. On the rock of Bavian (W. A. I. 
iii. 14, 48-50) Sennacherib refers to " Rimmon and 
Sala, the gods of the City of Palaces (Ekallati\ 
which Merodach-nadin-akhi, King of Accad, had 
taken and carried away to Babylon in the time of 
Tiglath-Pileser, King of Assyria"; and he goes on 
to say that he himself had " brought them out of 
Babylon 4 1 8 years afterwards." As the restora- 
tion of the images took place after Sennacherib's 
destruction of Babylon in B.C. 688, the date of their 
capture by Merodach-nadin-akhi would be B.C. 1 1 06. 
The conquests and campaigns described in Tiglath- 
Pileser's inscription must therefore be placed before 
this year. 

The expeditions of Tiglath-Pileser, however, bore 
but little fruit. They were not much more than 
raids, whose effects passed away after the death of 
the king who conducted them. In a fragmentary 
inscription of his son and successor, Assur-bil-kala, 
mention is made of " the land of the west," or 
Phcenicia, but it is doubtful whether any further 
campaigns weie carried on in this direction. Assyria 


fell into a state of decay ; its frontier cities passed 
into other hands, and for nearly two hundred years 
it is hidden altogether from sight. It was not until 
the ninth century before our era that under the war- 
like Assur-natsir-pal and his son Shalmaneser II it 
once more became a name of terror to Western Asia. 
Tip;lath-Pileser I remained the central figure of the 

o o 

older empire, towering above his fellows on the 
Assyrian throne. When the ancient line of princes 
became extinct, and the crown was seized by the 
usurper Pul, the new king knew of no better way in 
which to legitimise his claim to sovereignty than by 
assuming the time-honoured name of Tukulti-pal- 
Esar or Tiglath-Pileser, " the servant of (Uras) the 
divine son of Esarra." 

Though Tiglath-Pileser was not brought into 
direct relations with Palestine, it is probable that his 
wars, followed as they were by the temporary decay 
of Assyria, had much to do with the rise of the em- 
pire of David. The wars of Tiglath-Pileser weakened 
the power of the Hittites in the north, and allowed 
the small states of Syria to make head against them. 
For more than a century the latter had no powerful 
neighbours to fear or court. Egypt had passed 
under eclipse, and was divided between rival dynasties 
of kings, while Assyria had equally ceased to be 
formidable. When David and Joab built up the 
empire of Israel, there was no strong enemy to 
oppose and attack them. Hadadezer of Zobah 
might go " to recover his border at the river " 


Euphrates; there was no Hittite or Assyrian monarch 
to stand in his way. 

The inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I is inscribed 
on four large octagonal cylinders of clay, origin- 
ally buried under the foundations of the four corners 
of the great temple of Kileh Sherghat, the ancient 
city of Assur, and now in the British Museum ; and 
it has been published in the Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
Western Asia, i. pi. ix.-xvi. In 1857 the inscription 
was selected for testing the substantial correctness of 
the method employed by the Assyriologists, and of 
the results obtained by them. On the proposal of 
the Royal Asiatic Society, four translations of it, 
more or less complete, were made independently by 
Sir Henry Rawlinson, Mr. Fox Talbot, Dr. Hincks, 
and Dr. Oppert, and submitted under seal to the 
secretary of the Society. When opened and com- 
pared, it was found that they exhibited a remarkable 
resemblance to one another as regards both the 
transliteration of proper names and the rendering of 
individual passages. The resemblance, in fact, was 
greater than could be accounted for, except on the 
assumption that the method employed by the 
decipherers was a sound one, and that they were 
working on a solid basis. Since 1857 immense 
advances have been made in our knowledge of 
Assyrian. Characters whose values were then un- 
known, and words whose meaning was obscure, 
are now familiar to the student ; and a historical 
inscription like that of Tiglath-Pileser presents 


but few difficulties to the Assyriologist of to- 

In 1880 the inscription was re-edited and trans- 
lated with notes and glossary by Dr. W. Lotz under 
the auspices of his teacher, Prof. Fr. Delitzsch. The 
translation embodied all the stores of increased 
knowledge which the incessant labour of twenty-three 
years had accumulated, and it is only in a compara- 
tively few passages that it can be improved. The 
English reader may now consider that he has before 
him the actual words of the old Assyrian king, and can 
use them for historical and geographical purposes 
without fear or reservation. The foot-notes will be 
found to contain all the geographical information at 
present attainable relative to the localities mentioned 
in the text. 

A word or two must be added on the name of 
the divinity to whom Tiglath-Pileser was dedicated 
by his parents. This deity represented the Sun-god 
primitively worshipped at Nipur (now Niffer) in 
Babylonia, who afterwards came to be regarded as a 
sort of Chaldean Herakles. He is the only deity 
of the first rank whose name is still a matter of 
dispute. It is generally given as Adar in default of 
anything better, but the reading is certainly false. 
According to the monuments he was called Uras in 
Accadian, and also in Semitic, when regarded as 
" the god of light." But he was further known in 
Assyrian as Baru " the revealer," though we learn 
from a Babylonian text recently discovered in Upper 


Egypt that his more usual title was Masu, "the 
hero," a word which is, letter for letter, the same 
as the Hebrew Mosheh, " Moses." Masu is defined 
as being " the Sun-god who rises from the divine day." 
As such he was identified with one of the primaeval 
gods of Accadian cosmology, and so became " the 
son of fi-sarra," or " the house of the firmament." 
See my Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Baby- 
lonians, pp. 151-153. 



T. ASUR the great lord, the director of the hosts of the 

2. the giver of the sceptre and the crown, the establisher 

of the kingdom ; 

3. BEL, the lord (#/), the king of all the spirits of the 


4. the father of the gods, the lord of the world ; 

5. SIN (the Moon-god), the sentient one, the lord of the 


6. the exalted one, the god of the storm - } l 

7. SAMAS (the Sun-god), the judge of heaven and earth, 

who beholds 

8. the plots of the enemy, who feeds the flock ; 

9. RIMMON (the Air-god), the prince, the immdator of 

hostile shores, 

10. of countries (and) houses; 2 
IT. URAS, the hero, the destroyer of evil men and foes, 

12. who discloses all that is in the heart; 

13. ISTAR, the eldest of the gods, the lady of girdles, 

1 4. the strengthener of battles. 

15. Ye great gods, guiders of heaven (and) earth, 

1 6. whose onset (is) opposition and combat, 

17. who have magnified the kingdom 

1 8. of Tiglath-Pileser, the prince, the chosen 

1 Identified with Ea in W. A. I., ii. 60, 21. 2 Or "hollows." 


1 9. of the desire of your hearts, the exalted shepherd, 

20. whom you have conjured in the steadfastness of your 


21. with a crown supreme you have clothed him ; to rule 

22. over the land of BEL mightily you have established 

him ; 

23. priority of birth, supremacy (and) heroism 

24. have you given him ; the destiny of his lordship 

25. for his increase and supremacy, 

26. to inhabit Bit-kharsag-kurkurra 1 

27. for ever have you summoned. 

28. Tiglath-Pileser, the powerful king, 

29. the king of hosts who has no rival, the king of the 

four zones, 

30. the king of all kinglets, the lord of lords, the shepherd- 

prince, the king of kings, 

31. the exalted prophet, 2 to whom by the proclamation of 


32. the illustrious sceptre has been given as a gift, so that 

the men 

33. who are subject to BEL he has ruled 

34. in (their) entirety ; the faithful shepherd, 

35. proclaimed (lord) over kinglets, 

36. the supreme governor whose weapons ASUR 

37. has predestined, and for the government of the four 


38. has proclaimed his name for ever ; the capturer 

39. of the distant divisions 3 of the frontiers 

1 " The Temple of the Mountain of the World," the name of an old 
temple in the city of Assur, which had been restored by Shalmaneser I 
(B.C. 1300). In early Babylonian mythology "the Mountain of the 
World " was the Olympos on which the gods dwelt, and which was iden- 
tified with Mount Rowandiz. It is referred to in Isaiah xiv. 13, where the 
Babylonian king is made to say : "I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt 
my throne above the stars of Elohim : I will sit also on the mount of the 
assembly (of the gods) in the extremities of the north. I will ascend above 
the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the most High." 

2 Isippu, related to asipu, "a diviner," which was borrowed by the 
Book of Daniel under the form ashshaph, and may have the same origin as 
the name of Joseph. 

3 Pulugi, the Hebrew Peleg, in whose days the earth was " divided." 


40. above and below ; the illustrious prince 

41. whose glory has overwhelmed (all) regions; 

42. the mighty destroyer, 1 who like the rush 

43. of a flood is made strong against the hostile land ; 

44. by the proclamation of BEL he has no rival ; 

45. he has destroyed the foeman of ASUR. 

46. May ASUR (and) the great gods who have magnified 

my kingdom, 

47. who have given increase and strength to my fetters, 

48. (who) have ordered the boundary of their land 

49. to be enlarged, cause my hand to hold 

50. their mighty weapons, even the deluge of battle. 

51. Countries, mountains, 

52. fortresses and kinglets, the enemies of ASSUR, 

53. I have conquered, and their territories 

54. I have made submit. With sixty kings, 

55. I have contended furiously, 2 and 
5 6. power (and) rivalry over them 

57. I displayed. A rival in the combat, 

58. a confronter in the battle have I not. 

59. To the land of ASSYRIA I have added land, to its men 

60. (I have added) men ; the boundary of my own land 

6 1. I have enlarged, and all their lands I have conquered. 

62. At the beginning of my reign twenty thousand men 

63. of the MusKAYA 3 and their five kings, 

64. who for fifty years from the lands of Ai,zi 4 

1 Naplu, probably the same word as the Nephilim or "giants " of Gen. 
vi. 4 and Numb. xiii. 33. Sennacherib, in describing the construction of 
his palace, says : "A railing of three bronze cords and the divine Napallu 
I erected above it," where "the divine Napallu" probably refers to the 
image of a protecting deity. 

2 Literally, " in drunken fashion " (sutkuris], 

3 The Meshech of the Old Testament, the Moschi of the classical 
writers, who in Assyrian times occupied the country to the north of Mala- 
tiyeh. In the later Assyrian inscriptions they are associated with the 
Tubal or Tibareni, as in the Old Testament. 

4 Alzi lay on the southern bank of the Euphrates, between Palu and 
Khini, and included Enzite, the Anzite'ne' of classical geography (at the 


65. and Purukuzzi had taken the tribute 

66. and gifts owing to ASUR my lord, 

67. no king at all in battle 

68. had subdued their opposition to their strength 

69. trusted and came down; the land of KuMMUKH 1 

70. they seized. Trusting in ASUR my lord 

71. I assembled my chariots and armies. 

72. Thereupon I delayed not. 2 The mountain of KASI- 

YARA, 3 

73. a difficult region, I crossed, 

74. with their twenty thousand fighting men 

75. and their five kings in the land of KUMMUKH 

76. I contended. A destruction of them 

77. I made. The bodies of their warriors 

78. in destructive battle like the inundator (RIMMON) 

79. I overthrew; their corpses I spread 

80. over the valleys and the high places of the mountains. 

8 1. Their heads I cut off; at the sides 

82. of their cities I heaped (them) like mounds. 

83. Their spoil, their property, their goods, 

84. to a countless number I brought forth. Six thousand 


85. the relics of their armies, which before 

86. my weapons had fled, took 

87. my feet. I laid hold upon them and 

88. counted them among the men of my own country. 

89. In those days, against KUMMUKH, the disobedient, 

90. which had withheld the tribute and gifts for ASUR my 


91. I marched. The land of KUMMUKH 

92. I conquered throughout its circuit. 

sources of the Sebbeneh Su). Alzi was invaded by the Vannic king 
Menuas, who says that it formed part of the territory of the Khate or 

1 Kummukh, the classical Komagene, extended in the Assyrian age on 
either side of the Euphrates, from Malatiyeh in the north to Birejik in the 
south, Merash probably being one of its cities. 

2 Literally, " I awaited not the future." 

3 Mons Masius, the modern Tur Abdin. 


93. Their spoil, their property, their goods 

94. I brought forth ; their cities with fire 


1. I burned, I threw down, I dug up. The rest 

2. of (the men of) KUMMUKH, who before my weapons 

3. had fled, to the city of SERESSE l 

4. on the further bank of the TIGRIS 

5. passed over; the city for their stronghold 

6. they made. My chariots and warriors 

7. I took. The difficult mountains and their inaccess- 


8. paths with picks of bronze 

9. I split. A pontoon for the passage 

10. of my chariots and army I contrived. 

11. The TIGRIS I crossed. The city of SERISE, 

12. their strong city, I captured. 

13. Their fighting men, in the midst of the mountains, 

14. I flung to the ground like sling-stones (?). 2 

15. Their corpses over the TIGRIS and the high places of 

the mountains 

1 6. I spread. In those days the armies 

17. of the land of QURKHE, S which for the preserva- 


1 8. and help of the land of KUMMUKH 

19. had come, along with the armies 

20. of KUMMUKH, like a moon-stone I laid low. 

21. The corpses of their fighting men into heaps 

22. in the ravines of the mountains I heaped up; 

23. the bodies of their soldiers the river NAME 

1 This must have been in the neighbourhood of Amid or Diarbekir. The 
Vannic king Menuas mentions a Hittite city, Surisidas, in the vicinity of 
Alzi. Delitzsch compares the Sareisa of Strabo. 

2 Sutmasi. In R. 204. i. 22 sa sammasi is interpreted "a slinger," 
and in W. A. I., iv. 13, 5, samsd is "a sling-stone." 

3 The land of Qurkhi extended eastward of Diarbekir, along the 
northern bank of the Tigris. The name is preserved in that of Kurkh, 
20 miles S. E. of Diarbekir, where there are ruins, and where a stelS of Shal- 
maneser II has been discovered. 


24. carried away into the TIGRIS. 

25. Kili-anteru the son of Kali-anteru, 

26. (the descendant) of Saru-pin-'siusuni, 1 

27. their king in the midst of battle my hand 

28. captured; his wives (and) children 

29. the offspring of his heart, his troops, 180 

30. bronze plates, 5 bowls of copper, 

31. along with their gods, gold (and) silver, 

32. the choicest of their property, I removed. 

33. Their spoil (and) their goods I carried away. 

34. The city itself and its palace with fire 

35. I burned, I pulled down, (and) dug up. 

36. As for the city of URRAKHINAS, their stronghold, 

37. which was situated on the mountain of PANARI, 

38. fear that avoided the glory of ASSUR my lord 

39. overwhelmed them. To save 

40. their lives they removed their gods ; 

41. to the ravines of the lofty mountains 

42. they fled like a bird. My chariots 

43. and armies I took ; I crossed the TIGRIS. 

44. Sadi-anteru, the son of Khattukhi, 2 the king 

45. of URRAKHINAS, that he might not be conquered, 

46. in that country took my feet. 

47. The children, the offspring of his heart, and his family 

48. I took as hostages. 

49. Sixty bronze plates, a bowl of copper, 

50. and a tray of heavy copper, 

51. along with 120 men, oxen, 

52. (and) sheep, as tribute and offering 

1 Sarpina was the name of one of the Hittite cities, whose god was in- 
voked in the treaty between Ramses II and the Hittite king. With the 
termination we may compare that of Abar-'siuni in iv. 82. 

2 The first part of the name Sadi-anteru, which reminds us of the 
Lydian Sady-att6s, may contain the name of the god Sanda or Sandon. 
A Hittite prince mentioned by the Vannic king Menuas was called Sada- 
hadas. Khattu-khi means "the Hittite," the suffix -khi, as in Vannic, 
denoting a patronymic or gentilic adjective. Urra - khi - nas is similarly 
derived from Urra, the termination -khi-nas, in Vannic, denoting ' ' the place 
of the people of." 



53. (which) he brought, I received. I had compassion on 

him ; 

54. I granted his life. The heavy yoke 

55. of my lordship I laid upon him for future days. 

56. The broad land of KUMMUKH throughout its circuit 

57. I conquered; under my feet I subdued. 

58. In those days a tray of copper (and) a bowl 

59. of copper, from the spoil and tribute 

60. of KUMMUKH I dedicated to ASUR my lord. 

6 1. The sixty bronze plates along with their gods 

62. I presented to RIMMON who loves me. 

63. Through the violence of my powerful weapons, which 

ASSUR the lord 

64. gave for strength and heroism, 

65. in thirty of my chariots that go at my side 

66. my fleet steeds 1 (and) my soldiers, 

67. who are strong 2 in destructive fight, 

68. I took ; against the country of MILDIS, the powerful, 

69. the disobedient, I marched. Mighty mountains, 

70. an inaccessible district, 

71. (where it was) good in my chariots (where it was) bad 

on my feet, 

72. I crossed. At the mountain of ARUMA, 

73. a difficult district, which for the passage of my chariots 

74. was not suited, I left the chariots, 

75. I took the lead of my soldiers. 

76. Like a lion (?) the obstacles (?) in the ravines of the 

inaccessible mountains 

77. victoriously I crossed. 

78. The land of MILDIS like the flood 3 of the deluge I 


79. Their fighting men in the midst of battle 

80. like a moon-stone I laid low. Their spoil 

8 1. their goods (and) their property I carried away. 

1 Literally " complete horses. " 2 Lit. 

3 Literally "mound" or ''tel." 


82. All their cities I burned with fire. 

83. Hostages, tribute and offering 

84. I imposed upon them. 

85. Tiglath-pileser, the hero, the warrior, 

86. who opens the path of the mountains, 

87. who subdues the disobedient, who sweeps away 

88. all the overweening. 

89. The land of SuBARi, 1 the powerful, the disobedient, 

90. I subdued. As for the countries of ALZI 

91. and PURUKUZZI, which had withheld 

92. their tribute and their offering, 

93. the heavy yoke of my lordship upon them 

94. I laid, (saying), each year tribute and offering 

95. to my city of ASUR, to my presence, 

96. let them bring. In accordance with my valour, 

97. since ASUR the lord has caused my hand to hold 

98. the mighty weapon which subdues the disobedient, 


99. to enlarge the frontier of his country 

100. has commanded (me), 4000 men of the KASKA 2 

1 01. and of the URUMA, 3 soldiers of the HITTITES 


102. disobedient ones, who in their strength 

1 Subari, called Subarti a few lines farther on, had been overrun by 
Rimmon-nirari I. (B.C. 1330), and was afterwards conquered by Assur- 
natsir-pal, who describes it as situated between Qurkhi and Nirib, or the 
plain of Diarbekir. As Qurkhi lay "opposite the land of the Hittites," 
Subari would have adjoined the territory of the latter people, in the im- 
mediate vicinity of Alzi and Purukuzzi. 

2 This seems to be the same word as the Kolkhians of classical geo- 
graphy, though the seat of the Kolkhians was far to the north of that of 
the Kaska. In the classical period, however, we find that the Moschi 
and Tibareni (Meshech and Tubal) had also shifted far to the north of 
their habitat in Assyrian times, and like the Kolkhians had settled on 
the shores of the Black Sea. A town of Kolkhis, now represented by the 
name of Lake Goldshik, lay to the S. W. of Palu. 

3 Uruma may be the Urima of classical geography, the modern Urum. 
It is called Urume- of Bitanu by Assur-natsir-pal, Bitanu being the district 
south of Lake Van. 



1. had seized the cities of SUBARTI which looked to 

2. the face 1 of ASUR my lord, 

3. heard of my march against the land of SUBARTI ; 

4. the glory of my valour overwhelmed them ; 

5. they avoided battle ; my feet 

6. they took. 

7. Together with their property and 120 

8. chariots (and the horses) harnessed to their yokes 

9. I took them ; as the men 

i o. of my own country I counted them. 

TI. In the fierceness of my valour for the second time 

12. to the country of KUMMUKH I marched. All 

13. their cities I captured. Their spoil 

14. their goods and their property I carried away. 

15. Their cities with fire I burned, 

1 6. I threw down (and) dug up, and the relics 

17. of their armies, who before my powerful weapons 

1 8. were terror-stricken and the onset of my mighty battle 

19. avoided, to save 

20. their lives sought the mighty summits 

21. of the mountains, an inaccessible region. 
2 2. To the fastnesses of the lofty ranges 

23. and the ravines of the inaccessible mountains 

24. which were unsuited for the tread of men 

25. I ascended after them. Trial of weapons, combat 

26. and battle they essayed with me. 

27. A destruction of them I made. The bodies 

28. of their warriors in the ravines of the mountains 

29. like the inundator (RIMMON) I overthrew. Their 


30. over the valleys and high places of the mountains 

31. I spread. Their spoil, their goods 

32. and their property from the mighty 

1 That is, were subject to. 


33. summits of the mountains I brought down. 

34. The land of KUMMUKH to its whole extent I sub- 

jugated, and 

35. added to the territory of my country. 

36. Tiglath-pileser the powerful king, 

37. the mighty overwhelmer of the disobedient, he who 

sweeps away 

38. the opposition of the wicked. 

39. In the supreme power of ASUR my lord 

40. against the land of KnARiA 1 and the widespread 


41. of the land of QURKHI, lofty mountain-ranges 

42. whose site no king at all 

43. had sought out ASUR the lord commanded (me) 

44. to march. My chariots and armies 

45. I assembled. The neighbourhood 2 of the mountains 

of IDNI 

46. and AYA, an inaccessible district, I reached, 

47. lofty mountains, which like the point of a sword 

48. were formed, which for the passage of my chariots 

49. were unsuited. The chariots in idleness 

50. I left there. The precipitous mountains 

51. I crossed. All the land of QURKHI 

52. had collected its widespread armies, and 

53. to make trial of arms, combat and battle 

54. in the mountain of AZUTABGIS S was stationed, and 

55. in the mountain, an inaccessible spot, with them 

56. I fought, a destruction of them I made. 

1 It is clear that Kharia was a district of Qurkhi which lay eastward of 
Diarbekir and the Supnat or Sebeneh Su, in the direction of Bitlis. It is 
perhaps the Arua of Assur-natsir-pal which adjoined the western frontier of 
Ararat, a kingdom at that time confined to Lake Van and the district 
south of the Lake. The name reminds us of the classical Korra, now 
Karia, a little to the south-east of Kolkhis (on Lake Goldshik), and to the 
north-west of Diarbekir. 

2 Birti, from baru "to see." 

3 Perhaps to be read Azues. 


57. The bodies of their warriors on the high places of the 


58. into heaps I heaped. 

59. The corpses of their warriors over the valleys and high 


60. of the mountains I spread. Against the cities 

6 1. which were situated in the ravines of the mountains 


62. I pierced (my way). 1 Twenty-five cities of the land 


63. which lie at the foot of the mountains of AYA, SUIRA, 



65. I captured. Their spoil, 

66. their goods and their property I carried off. 

67. Their cities with fire I burned, 

68. I threw down (and) dug up. 

69. The country of ADAUS feared the onset of my mighty 


70. and their dwelling-place (the inhabitants) abandoned. 

71. To the ravines of the lofty mountains 

72. like birds they fled. The glory of ASSUR my lord 

73. overwhelmed them, and 

74. they descended and took my feet. 

75. Tribute and offering I imposed upon them. 

76. The lands of 'SARAUS and AMMAUS 

77. which from days immemorial had not known 

78. subjection, like the flood of the deluge 

79. I overwhelmed. With their armies 

80. on the mountain of ARUMA 2 I fought, and 

8 1. a destruction of them I made. The bodies 

82. of their fighting-men like sling-stones (?) 

1 Aznig, not a snig. 

2 As, according to ii. 78, Aruma lay on the frontier of Mildis, Adaus, 
'Saraus, and Ammaus must have been Kurdish districts to the eastward 
of Kummukh. The country of Adaus is mentioned by Assur-natsir-pal 
in connection with Kirruri, which lay between Nimme and Qurkhi. 


83. I flung to the ground. Their cities I captured. 

84. Their gods I removed. Their spoil, 

85. their goods (and) their property I carried away. 

86. Their cities with fire I burned, 

87. I threw down (and) dug up; to mounds and ruins 

88. I reduced. The heavy yoke of my lordship 

89. I laid upon them. The face of ASSUR my lord 

90. I made them behold. 1 

91. The powerful countries of I'suA 2 and DARIA 

92. which were disobedient I conquered. Tribute 

93. and offering I imposed upon them. 

94. The face of ASSUR my lord I caused them to behold. 

95. In my supremacy when my enemies 

96. I had conquered, my chariots and armies 

97. I took. The lower Zab 3 

98. I crossed. The countries of MURATTAS and SARADAUS 

99. which are in the midst of the mountains of A'SANIU 


100. an inaccessible region, I conquered. 

101. Their armies like lambs 

102. I cut down. The city of MURATTAS, 

103. their stronghold, in the third part of a day 

104. from sunrise I captured. 

105. Their gods, their goods, (and) their property, 

1 06. 60 plates of bronze, 


i. 30 talents of bronze in fragments, 4 (and) the smaller 

1 That is, "I reduced them to subjection to Assur." 

2 I'sua, according to Shalmaneser II, adjoined Enzite or Anzitene" (on 
the Sebbeneh Su) and lay on the southern bank of the Arsanias between 
Palu and Mush. It is probably the U'su of Assur-natsir-pal, on the 
western frontier of Arua (see note on iii. 40). 

3 The lower Zab falls into the Tigris a little below Kalah Sherghat 
(Assur). It rises in the Kurdish mountains, flowing past Arbela, and was 
called Kapros by the classical geographers in contradistinction to the 
Lykos or Upper Zab. 

4 This seems to be the meaning of sabartum in K 1999, i. 15. 


2. of their palace, their spoil 

3. I carried away. The city itself with fire 

4. I burned, I threw down (and) dug up. 

5. In those days that bronze 

6. I dedicated to RIMMON the great lord who loves me. 

7. In the mightiness of the power of ASUR my lord 

8. against the lands of 'Suci and QURKHI, which had not 


9. to ASUR my lord, I marched. With 6000 

10. of their troops from the lands of KHIME, LUKHI, 


12. NIMNI and all the land of QURKHI 

13. far-extending, on the mountain of KHIRIKHI, 

14. an inaccessible district, which like the point of a sword 

15. was formed, with all those countries 

1 6. on my feet I fought. 

17. A destruction of them I made. 

1 8. Their fighting-men in the ravines of the mountains 

19. into heaps I heaped. 

20. With the blood of their warriors the mountain of 


2 1. like wool (?) I dyed. 

22. The land of 'Suci throughout its circuit I conquered 

23. Their 25 gods, their spoil, 

24. their goods (and) their property I carried away. 

25. All their cities with fire 

26. I burnt, I threw down (and) dug up. 

27. Those who were left of their armies took my feet ; 

28. I showed favour towards them. 

29. Tribute and offering upon them 

30. I imposed; along with those who behold the face 

31. of ASUR my lord I counted them. 

32. In those days the 25 gods of those lands, 

33. the acquisitions of my hands, 

34. which I had taken, to gratify (?) the temple of BELTIS 

35. the great wife, the favourite of ASUR my lord, 


36. ANU, RIMMON (and) ISTAR of ASSUR, 

37. as well as the palaces of my city ASSUR 

38. and the goddesses of my country 

39. I gave. 

40. Tiglath-pileser the powerful king, 

4 1 . the conqueror of hostile regions, the rival 

42. of the company of all kings. 

43. In those days through the supreme power 

44. of ASUR my lord, through the everlasting grace 

45. of SAMAS the warrior, through the ministry 

46. of the great gods, who in the four zones 

47. rule in righteousness, and have no vanquisher 

48. in the combat, no rival in the battle, 

49. to the lands of distant kings 

50. on the shore of the upper sea, 1 

51. who knew not subjection, 

52. ASUR the lord urged me and I went. 

53. Difficult paths and trackless passes 

54. whose interior in former days 

55. no king at all had known, 

56. steep roads, ways 

57. unopened, I traversed. 

58. The mountains of ELAMA, AMADANA, 2 ELKHIS, 







65. and SESI, 16 mighty mountains, 

1 That is, Lake Van. 

2 Amadana was the district about Amida or Diarbekir. Assur-natsir-pal 
reached Amadana after leaving Adana, a district of Qurkhi. 

3 Compare the names of the Gamgumian and Melitenian princes Tarkhu- 
lara and Tarkhu-nazi, and of the Hittite city Tarkhi-gamas mentioned 
by the Vannic king Menuas. 


66. where the ground was good in my chariots, where it 

was difficult 

67. with picks of bronze, I penetrated. 

68. I cut down the urum-trees which grow in the mountains. 

69. Bridges for the passage 

70. of my troops I constructed well. 

71. I crossed the EUPHRATES. The king of the land of 

NlMME, 1 

72. the king of TuNUBU, 2 the king of TUALI, 

73. the king of QIDARI, the king of UZULA, 

74. the king of UNZAMUNI, the king of ANDIABE, 

75. the king of PILAQINI, the king of ADHURGINI, 

76. the king of KuLi-BARZiNi, 3 the king of SINIBIRNI, 

77. the king of KHIMUA, the king of PAITERI,* 

78. the king of UIRAM, the king of SURURIA, 

79. the king of ABAENi, 5 the king of ADAENI, 

80. the king of KIRINI, the king of ALBAYA, 

8 1. the king of UGINA, the king of NAZABIA, 

82. the king of ABAR-'SIUNI, (and) the king of DAYAENI, G 

83. all the 23 kings of the countries of NAiRi, 7 

84. in the midst of their lands assembled 

85. their chariots and their armies, and 

86. to make conflict and battle 

1 Nimme, according to Assur-natsir-pal, adjoined Alzi and Dayaeni in 
the neighbourhood of Mush. 

2 This must be the Dhunibun of Shalmaneser II, eastward of the sources 
of the Tigris, on the river of Mush (the modern Kara Su). 

3 In the Vannic language the termination ni(s) denoted "belonging to," 
and barzini or barzani signified " a chapel." 

4 The Vannic king calls the district in which Palu stands ' ' the land of 

5 Perhaps the Abunis of the Vannic inscriptions. 

6 Dayaeni was on the northern bank of the Arsanias, to the north of 
Mush. It is called the kingdom of " the son of Diaus " in the Vannic 
texts, which define it more closely as situated on the Murad Chai, near 

7 The land of Nairi or "the rivers" denoted in the age of Tiglath- 
Pileser I. the districts at the sources of the Tigris and the Euphrates. In 
the time of Assur-natsir-pal and his successors, on the other hand, it was 
the country between Lake Van and the northern frontier of Assyria, and 
consequently lay to the south-west of the Nairi of the time of Tiglath- 
Pileser I. It will be noticed that there was as yet no kingdom of Ararat 
or Van. 


87. came on. With the violence of my powerful 

88. weapons I pierced them. 

89. An overthrow of their widespread armies 

90. like the inundation of RIMMON 

91. I made. The bodies of their warriors 

92. in the plains, the high places of the mountain, and the 


93. of their cities like sling-stones (?) 

94. I flung to the ground. One hundred and twenty of 

their yoke-chariots 

95. in the midst of the combat 

96. I acquired. Sixty kings 

97. of the lands of NAIRI in addition to those who 

98. had gone to their assistance 

99. with my mace I pursued 

100. as far as the Upper Sea. 

1 01. Their great fortresses I captured. 


1. Their spoil, their goods (and) their property 

2. I carried away. Their cities with fire 

3. I burned, I threw down (and) dug up, 

4. I reduced to mounds and ruins. 

5. Large troops of horses, 

6. mules, calves, and the possessions 

7. of their homesteads to a countless number 

8. I brought back. All the kings 

9. of the countries of NAIRI alive my hand 

10. captured. To those kings 

1 1. I extended mercy, and 

12. spared their lives. Their captivity 

13. and their bondage in the presence of SAMAS my lord 

14. I liberated, and an oath by my great 

1 5. gods x unto future days for ever 

1 6. and ever that they should be (my) servants I made 

them swear. 

17. The children, the offspring of their kingdom, 

1 Literally " the bann (mamit) of my great gods." 


1 8. as hostages I took. 

19. Twelve hundred horses (and) 2000 oxen 

20. I imposed upon them as tribute. 

21. In their countries I left them. 

22. 'Sieni king of DAYAENI, 

23. who did not submit to ASUR my lord, 

24. captive and bound to my city 

25. of ASUR I brought; mercy 

26. I extended to him, and from my city of ASUR, 

27. as the exalter of the great gods 

28. unto exaltation, alive 

29. I let him depart. The lands of NAIRI, 

30. far-extending, I subdued throughout their whole extent, 

31. and all their kings 

32. I reduced beneath my feet. 

33. In the course of the same campaign 

34. against the city of MiLiDiA, 1 of the country of KHANI 2 

the great, 

35. violent (and) unsubmissive, I marched. 

36. The mighty onset of my battle they feared. 

37. My feet they took ; I had mercy on them. 

38. The city itself I did not capture ; their hostages 

39. I accepted. A homer by way of tax of lead 

40. as an annual tribute 

41. not to be intermitted I imposed upon them. 

42. Tiglath-pileser, the destroyer, the quick-moving, 

43. the implacable, the deluge of battle. 

44. In the service of ASUR my lord, my chariots 

45. and warriors I took. In the desert 

1 The classical Melitene, now Malatiyeh, on the Euphrates. 

2 This district of Kappadokia is called " Khani the Great," to dis- 
tinguish it from another Khani near Babylon, whose king Tukulti-mer, 
son of Ilu-saba, dedicated a bronze ram's head, now in the British Museum, 
to the temple of the Sun-god at Sippara. 


46. I made (my way). To the bank of the waters 

47. of the land of the ARMAYANS, 1 the enemies of ASUR 

my lord, 

48. I marched. From opposite to the land of 'SuKHi, 2 

49. as far as the city of GARGAMis, 3 of the land of the 

HITTITES (Khatti\ 

50. in one day I plundered. 

51. Their soldiers I slew. Their spoil, 

52. their goods and their possessions 

53. to a countless number I carried back. 

54. The remains of their armies, 

55. who before the powerful (weapons) of ASUR my lord 

56. had fled and had crossed the EUPHRATES, 

57. after them in vessels of inflated (?) skins 4 

58. I crossed the EUPHRATES; 

59. six of their cities which (were) at the foot of Mount 


60. I captured ; with fire I burned, 

6 1. I threw down (and) dug up. Their spoil, their goods 

62. and their possessions to my city of ASUR 

63. I brought. 

64. Tiglath-pileser, the trampler upon the mighty, 

65. the slaughterer of the unsubmissive, who weakens 6 

66. utterly the strong. 

67. To conquer the land of MU'SRI 7 ASUR the lord 

1 The Arameans. 

2 The Shuhites of the Old Testament, who extended along the western 
banks of the Euphrates from the mouth of the Khabour to above that of 
the Belikh. ' ' Bildad the Shuhite" (Job ii. n) would be Bel-Dadda, Dadda, 
as we learn from the cuneiform inscriptions, being a form of Hadad, the 
Syrian name of the god of heaven. 

3 Carchemish, the Hittite capital on the Euphrates, between the mouth 
of the Sajur and Birejik, now represented by the mounds of Jerablus. 

4 Sugase, borrowed from the Accadian 'su, "skin/' and gavsia (whence 
the Semitic gubsii] . 

5 Now Tel-Basher. 

6 Musarbibu, "subduer," according to M. Amiaud, who regards the 
word as an example of a parel conjugation (Revue d'Assyriologie, ii. i, 
p. 12). 

7 Mu'sri or Muzri lay to the north-east of Khorsabad, in the mountain- 
ous district now inhabited by the Missouri Kurds. The tribute of a 


68. urged me, and between the mountains of ELAMUNI 

69. TALA and KHARU'SA I made (my way). 

70. I conquered the land of MU'SRI throughout its 


71. I massacred their warriors. 

72. The cities I burned with fire, I threw down, 

73. I dug up. The armies of the land of QUMANI 

74. to the help of the land of MU'SRI 

75. had gone. On a mountain with them 

76. I fought. A destruction of them I made. 

77. To a single city, ARINI, at the foot of mount AI'SA, 

78. I drove and shut them up. My feet 

79. they took. The city itself I spared. 

80. Hostages, tribute and offering 

8 1. I laid upon them. 

82. In those days all the land of QUMANI, 

83. which had prepared to help MU'SRI, 

84. gathered together all those countries, and 

85. to make conflict and battle 

86. were determined. With the violence of my powerful 


87. with 20,000 of their numerous troops 

88. on mount TALA I fought. 

89. A destruction of them I made. 

90. Their strong forces I broke through. 

91. As far as mount KHARU'SA, which (is) in front of the 

land of MU'SRI, 

92. I pursued their fugitives. The bodies 

93. of their warriors in the ravines of the mountain 

94. like a moon-stone I flung to the ground. 

95. Their corpses over the valleys and the high places of 

the mountains 

96. I spread. Their great fortresses 

97. I captured, with fire I burned, 

rhinoceros, yak, elephant, and apes, brought by its inhabitants to Shal- 
maneser II, must be explained on the supposition that the caravan road 
from the east passed through it. 


98. I threw down (and) dug up, so that they became 

mounds and ruins. 

99. KHUNU'SA their fortified city 

100. like the flood of the deluge I overwhelmed. 


1. With their mighty armies 

2. in the city and the mountains I contended furiously. 

3. A destruction of them I made. 

4. Their fighting men in the midst of the mountains 

5. like a moon-stone I flung down. Their heads 

6. like (that) of a sheep I cut off. 

7. Their corpses over the valleys and high places of the 


8. I spread. The city itself I captured. 

9. Their gods I carried away. Their goods (and) their 


10. I brought out. The city with fire I burned. 

1 1. Three of their great fortresses, which of brickwork 

1 2. were constructed, and the circuit of the city itself 
13.1 threw down (and) dug up ; to mounds and ruins 

1 4. I reduced (them), and salt (?) on the top of them 

15. I sowed. A plate of bronze I made; 

1 6. the conquest of the lands, which through ASUR my 

god (and) my lord 

17. I had conquered, that the site of this city should not 

(again) be taken, 

1 8. nor its wall be constructed, upon (it) 

1 9. I wrote. A house of brick on the top of it 

20. I built : these plates of bronze 

21. in the midst (of it) I placed. 

22. In the service of ASUR my lord my chariots 

23. and soldiers I took. The city of KIPSUNA 

24. their royal city I besieged. The QUMANIANS 

25. feared the mighty onset of my battle; 

2 6. my feet they took ; their lives I spared. 

27. Its great wall and its gate-posts 


28. of bricks I ordered to be destroyed, and 

29. from their foundations to their coping 

30. they were thrown down and turned into a mound ; 

31. and 300 families of evil-doers 

32. who (were) within it, who were not submissive to ASUR 

my lord, 

33. were removed (out of it). I received them. Their 


34. I took. Tribute and offering 

35. above what was previously paid upon them 

36. I imposed, and the widespread land of QUMANI 

37. throughout its circuit under my feet 

38. I subdued. 

39. In all, 42 countries and their kings 

40. from the fords of the lower ZAB 

41. (and) the border of the distant mountains 

42. to the fords of the EUPHRATES, 

43. the land of the HITTITES (Khatte) and the Upper Sea 

44. of the setting sun, 1 from the beginning of my sovereignty 

45. until my fifth year my hand has conquered. 

46. One word in unison have I made them utter. 

47. Their hostages have I taken. Tribute 

48. and offering have I imposed upon them. 

49. I left the numerous roads of foreign peoples 

50. which were not attached to my empire : 

51. where the ground was favourable in my chariots, and 

where it was difficult 

52. on my feet, after them 

53. I marched. The feet of the enemy 

54. I kept from my land. 

55. Tiglath-pileser the valiant hero, 

56. the holder of the sceptre unrivalled 

57. who completes the mission of the supreme (gods). 

1 That is, Lake Van. 


58. URAS and NERGAL have given their forceful 

59. weapons and their supreme bow 

60. to the hands of my lordship. 

6 1. Under the protection of URAS who loves me 

62. from young wild bulls, powerful (and) large, 

63. in the desert in the land of MITANI 

64. and in the city of ARAZIGI/ which (is) in front 

65. of the land of the HITTITES, with my mighty bow, 

66. a lasso of iron and my pointed 

67. spear, their lives I ended : 

68. their hides (and) their horns 

69. to my city of ASUR I brought. 

70. Ten powerful male-elephants 2 

71. in the land of HARRAN (Kharrani) and (on) the bank 

of the KHABUR 

72. I slew. Four elephants alive 

73. I captured. Their hides 

74. (and) their teeth along with the live 

75. elephants I brought to my city ASUR. 

7 6. Under the protection of URAS who loves me 

77. 120 lions, with my stout heart, 

78. in the conflict of my heroism 
7 9. on my feet I slew ; 

80. and 800 lions in my chariot 

8 1. with javelins (?) I slaughtered. 

82. All the cattle of the field and the birds of heaven 

83. that fly, among my rarities 3 

84. I placed. 

85. After that the enemies of ASUR throughout their terri- 


1 Arazig is the Eragiza of Ptolemy, on the Euphrates, to the north of 
Balis and the south of Carchemish. Mitani seems to be the Matenau of 
the Egyptians mentioned by Ramses III immediately before Carchemish. 

2 I follow Lotz in this rendering. 

3 Ni'siggi, borrowed from the Sumerian nin-sig, "secret." 



86. I had conquered, the temple of ISTAR of (the city) 


87. my lady, the temple of RiMMON, 1 (and) the temple of 

the OLDER BEL, 2 

88. the temple of the Divinities, 3 the temples of the gods 

89. of my city ASUR, which were decayed, I built, 

90. I completed. The entrances of their temples 

91. I constructed. The great gods, my lords, 

92. I introduced within ; 

93. I rejoiced the heart of their great divinity. 

94. The palaces, the seat of sovereignty 

95. belonging to the great fortresses 

96. on the borders of my country, which from 

97. the time of my fathers through long 

98. years had been deserted and ruined and 

99. were destroyed, I built (and) completed. 

100. The castles of my country that were overthrown 

1 01. I enclosed. The conduits 4 throughout all the land 


1 02. I fastened together wholly, and an accumulation 

103. of grain in addition to that (collected) by my fathers ' 

104. I brought back (and) heaped up. 

105. Troops of horses, oxen (and) asses 


1. which in the service of ASUR my lord 

2. in the countries which I had conquered, 

3. as the acquisition of my hands 

4. which I took, I collected together, and troops 

5. of goats, fallow-deer, wild sheep, 

6. (and) antelopes which ASUR and URAS 

7. the gods who love me have given 

8. for hunting, in the midst of the lofty 

1 Here called Matu, " the god of the tempest." 

2 Bel of Nipur, called Mul-lil, ' ' the lord of the ghost-world," by the Ac- 
cadians, and distinguished from Bel Merodach, the younger Bel of Babylon. 

8 This apparently means that the images of several deities were collected 
together in the temple of the Older Bel. 
4 Literally "sewers." 


9. mountains I have taken ; 

10. their herds I enclosed, 

1 1. their number like that of a flock 

12. of sheep I counted: 

13. young lambs, the offspring 

14. of their heart, according to the desire of my heart, 

15. along with my pure sacrifices 

1 6. annually I sacrificed to ASUR my lord. 

1 7. The cedar, the likkarin tree 

1 8. (and) the allakan tree from the countries 

19. which I had conquered, these trees 

20. which among the kings 

21. my fathers who (were) before (me) none 

22. had planted, I took and 

23. in the plantations of my country 

24. I planted, and the costly fruit 

25. of the plantation, which did not exist in my country, 

26. I took. The plantations of ASSYRIA 

27. I established. 

28. Chariots (and horses) bound to the yoke, 

29. for the mightiness of my country, more than before 

30. I introduced (and) harnessed. 

31. To the land of ASUR (I added) land, 

32. to its people I added people. 

33. The health of my people I improved. 

34. A peaceable habitation 

35. I caused them to inhabit. 

36. Tiglath-pileser, the great, the supreme, 

37. whom ASUR and URAS according to the desire 

38. of his heart conduct, so that 

39. after the enemies of ASUR 

40. he has overrun all their territories, and 

41. has utterly slaughtered the overweening. 


42. The son of Asur-ris-ilim, 1 the powerful king, the con- 


43. of hostile lands, the subjugator 

44. of all the mighty. 

45. The grandson of Mutaggil-Nu'sku, whom ASUR the 

great lord 

46. in the conjuration of his steadfast heart 

47. had required, and to the shepherding 

48. of the land of Asur had raised securely. 

49. The true son of Asur-da'an, 

50. the upraiser of the illustrious sceptre, who ruled 

51. the people of BEL, 2 who the work of his hands 

52. and the gift of his sacrifice 

53. commended to the great gods, so that 

54. he arrived at gray hairs and old age. 

55. The descendant of Uras-pileser, 

56. the guardian (?) king, the favourite of ASUR, 

57. whose might 3 like a sling 

58. was spread over his country, and 

5 9. the armies of ASUR he shepherded faithfully. 

60. In those days the temple of ANU and RIMMON 

6 1. the great gods, my lords, 

1 Sir H. Rawlinson has suggested that Asur-ris-ilim is the Chushan-rish- 
athaim of Judges iii. 8, a name which certainly seems to be corrupt. 
Chushan-rish-athaim is called king of Aram Naharaim or ' ' Aram of the two 
rivers, " which represents Mesopotamia in the Old Testament, though the 
Naharaina of the Egyptian monuments was the region about the Orontes, 
while the Assyrian Nahri or Nairi was primarily the district to the north- 
west of Lake Van, and afterwards the country to the south of it. Assur- 
ris-ilim claims to have ' ' subdued Lullumi and all Quti (or Kurdistan) with 
the entrance to its mountain-ranges" (W. A. I., iii. 3, 18) ; but these dis- 
tricts lay to the east of Assyria, and no allusion is made to any campaign 
in the west. 

2 That is, the Babylonians. 

3 Literally "fulness" (nubalu, akin to nabli, in the Cuthean Legend of 
the Creation, iv. 20). 


62. which in former times Samas-Rimmon, the high-priest 1 

of ASUR, 

63. the son of Isme-Dagon, the high-priest also of ASUR, 

64. built, for 641 years 

65. went on decaying, 

66. Asur-da'an the king of ASUR, 

67. the son of Uras-pileser, the king also of ASUR, 

68. pulled down this temple (but) did not rebuild (it) ; 

69. for 60 years its foundations 

70. were not laid. 

71. At the beginning of my reign, ANU 

72. and RIMMON the great gods, my lords, 

73. who love my priesthood (sartguti), 

74. commanded the rebuilding 

75. of their habitation. I made bricks; 

76. I purified its site ; 

77. I undertook its reconstruction; 2 its foundations 

78. I laid upon the mass of a huge mound. 

79. This place throughout its circuit 

80. I piled up with bricks like a double fold (?). 

8 1. Fifty tibki* below 

82. I sunk (it); upon it 

83. the foundations of the temple of ANU and RIMMON 

84. I laid with /&/&-stone. 4 

85. From its foundations to its roof 

86. I built (the temple) ; greater than (it was) before I 

reared (it). 

87. Two great towers 

88. which for the glorification of their great divinities 

89. were adapted, I constructed. 

1 Pate si. 

2 Literally " I took its strength" (read dannat-su, not libnat-su}. 

3 The tibku was a measure of length which is explained in the Talmud 
as the longer cubit of 7 palms mentioned in 2 Chr. iii. 3. 

4 Prof. D. H. Miiller believes the /z^/fo-stone to have been brought from 
Armenia, and to have derived its name from the Vannic pulu- si, 
"engraved." It is also called /z'/z'-stone. It was a species of white 


90. The illustrious temple, a building with cornices, 1 

91. the seat of their rejoicing, 

92. the habitation of their pleasure, 

93. which has been beautified like the star(s) of heaven, 

94. and by the art of the workmen 

95. has been richly carved, 

96. I have worked at, have toiled over, have built 

97. (and) have completed. Its interior 

98. I compacted to'gether like the heart of heaven ; 

99. its walls like the resplendence 
100. of the rising of the stars I adorned. 
i or. I strengthened its buttresses, 

102. and its towers to heaven 

103. I lifted; and its roof 

104. I fastened together with brickwork. 

105. The divining rod, 2 

1 06. the oracle of their great 

107. divinities within it 

1 08. I placed. 

109. ANU and RIMMON, the great gods 
no. I introduced within (it); 

in. on their thrones supreme 

112. I seated them ; 

113. and the heart of their great divinities 

114. I gladdened. 


1. BIT-KHAMRI (the temple) of RIMMON, 

2. which Samas-Rimmon the high-priest of ASSUR 3 

1 Qusuda. In W. A. I., v. 28, 4, gasdu is the synonym of allum, the 
Aramaic U&. 

2 Elalld. It seems to have been a stem of papyrus covered with 

3 The Pate' sis, or high-priests of Assur, preceded the kings of Assyria, 
of whom the first is stated to have been Bel-kapkapu. As Samas-Rimmon, 
the high-priest, flourished 701 years before Tiglath-Pileser, his date would 
be about B.C. 1830. In Babylonia the high-priests were subject to a suze- 
rain king ; it is therefore probable that the high-priests of Assur also ad- 
mitted the supremacy of a supreme monarch who may have ruled in 
Babylonia. Bricks have been found on the site of Ur in Babylonia bear- 
ing the name of Isme-Dagon, "king of Sumer and Accad," but he must 


the son of Isme-Dagon the high-priest of ASUR 

had built, had fallen into decay and was ruined. 

I purified its site ; from its foundations 

to its roof with brick 

I bonded (it) together. More than before 

I adorned, I established (it). 

In its midst pure victims 

to RIMMON my lord I sacrificed. 

11. In those days the ivory (?) stone, the khalta stone 

12. and the mountain stone from the mountains 

13. of NAiRi, 1 which through ASUR my lord 

14. I had conquered, I carried away; 

15. in BIT-KHAMRI, (the temple) of RIMMON my lord 

1 6. for days to come I set (them). 

17. As I the illustrious temple, the building supreme, 

1 8. for the habitation, of ANU and RIMMON the great gods 

19. my lords, have laboured at and have not desisted 

20. (and) have not rested from the work, 2 

21. (but) have quickly completed (it), and 

22. have gladdened the heart of their great 

23. divinity, (so) may ANU and RIMMON 

24. turn (to me) for ever and 

25. love the lifting up of my hands ; 

26. may they hearken to the earnestness of my prayer ; 

27. abundant rains, years 

28. of fertility and fatness to my reign 

29. may they give; in battle and conflict 

30. may they conduct (me) in safety ; 

31. all the countries of my enemies, countries 

32. that are powerful, and kings that are hostile to me, 

33. may they subdue beneath my feet; 

have lived at a much earlier period than Samas-Rimmon, whose Babylonian 
contemporary was Gul-kisar. 

1 Another mode of spelling Nahri. 

2 Literally " not laid down my side at the work." 


34. to myself and my supremacy 

35. may they approach in goodness, and 

36. my priesthood in the presence of ASUR and their great 

37. divinities unto future days 

38. may they establish like a mountain for ever. 

39. The power of my heroism, the might 

40. of my battle, the subjection of enemies, 

41. even the foes of ASUR, whom ANU and RIMMON 

42. have given for a spoil, 

43. on my monuments and my cylinder 

44. have I described ; in the temple of ANU and RIMMON 

45. the great gods my lords 

46. I have deposited (them) for days to come ; 

47. the monumental-stones of Samas-Rimmon, - 

48. my (fore)father I have anointed with oil; 1 a victim 

49. I have sacrificed : to their place I have restored (them). 

50. In future days, in the days to come, 

51. at any time whatever, may a future prince, 

5 2. when the temple of ANU and RIMMON the great 

53. gods, my lords, and these towers 

54. shall grow old and 

55. shall decay, renew their ruins ; 

56. my monumental-stones and my cylinder 

5 7. may he anoint with oil ; a victim may he sacrifice ; 

58. to their place may he restore (them), 

59. and may he write his name along with mine. 

60. Like myself may ANU and RIMMON 

6 1. the great gods in goodness of heart 

62. and the acquisition of power kindly conduct him ! 

63. Whoever my monumental-stones and my cylinder 

64. shall shatter, shall sweep away, 

] Thereby turning them into Beth-els or consecrated stones. Cf. Gen. 
xxviii. 18. 


65. shall throw into the water, 

66. shall burn with fire, 

67. shall conceal in the dust ; in the holy house of the god 

68. (in) a place invisible shall store (them) up in frag- 

ments ; 

69. shall obliterate the name that is written, and 

70. shall write his own name, and something 

71. evil shall devise, and 

72. against my monumental-stones 

73. shall work injury ; 

74. may ANU and RIMMON the great gods, my lords, 

75. fiercely regard him and 

76. may they curse him with a withering curse. 

77. May they overthrow his kingdom ; 

78. may they remove the foundation of the throne of his 

majesty \ 

may they annihilate the fruit of his lordship ; 
may they break his weapons ; 
may they cause destruction to his army ; 
in the presence of his enemies in chains 
may they seat him. May RIMMON with lightning 
destructive smite his land ; 
want, hunger, famine 

(and) corpses may he lay upon his country ; 
may he not bid him live for one day ; 
may he root out his name (and) his seed in the land ! 

89. (Written) in the month Kuzallu, 1 the 29th day, in the 


90. of Ina-ili-ya-allak the chief of the body-guard. 2 

1 " Of sheep-breeding," a name of Sivan or May, according to W. A. I. , 

v. 43. 14. 

2 Literally "the mighty men," like the Gibborim of the Old Testa- 
ment ; cf. 2 Sam. xxiii. 8. Assyrian chronology was reckoned according 
to the eponyms, officers who gave their name to each year of the king's 
reign. As the inscription of Rimmon-nirari I, who preceded Tiglath- 
Pileser I by about two hundred years, is dated in the eponymy of Shal- 
man-garradu ("the god Solomon is a hero"), accurate chronology in 
Assyria went back to an early period. 



FRAGMENTS of a long epic poem, describing the 
creation of the world in a series of tablets or books, 
were discovered by Mr. George Smith among the 
cuneiform treasures of the British Museum which 
had come from the royal library of Kouyunjik or 
Nineveh. The tablets appear to be seven in num- 
ber, and since the creation was described as consist- 
ing of a series of successive acts, it presented a 
curious similarity to the account of the creation 
recorded in the first chapter of Genesis. 

The epic embodied certain of the ideas and be- 
liefs current in Assyria and Babylonia regarding the 
creation of the universe. That there were other 
ideas and legends is evident from the existence of 
another story of the creation, which came originally 
from the library of Cutha, and differed entirely from 
that of the epic. The epic, as I have pointed out 
in my Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Baby- 
lonians (p. 385), clearly belongs to a late date. The 
gods of the popular religion not only have their 


places in the universe fixed, but even the period and 
manner of their origin is described. The element- 
ary spirits of the old Accadian faith have passed 
into the great gods of Semitic belief, and been finally 
resolved into mere symbolical representatives of the 
primordial elements of the world. Under a thin 
disguise of theological nomenclature, the Babylonian 
theory of the universe has become a philosophic 
materialism. The gods themselves come and go 
like mortal men ; they are the offspring of the ever- 
lasting elements of the heaven and earth, and of 
that watery abyss out of which mythology had 
created a demon of evil, but which the philosopher 
knew to be the mother and source of all things. 
The Tiamat of the first tablet of the epic is a very 
different being from the Tiamat of the fourth. 

I much doubt, therefore, whether the epic in its 
present form is older than the time of Assur-bani- 
pal. It sums up under a poetical garb the teachings 
of mythology and philosophy about the origin of 
things. The Babylonians had always believed that 
the world had been created out of water, and that 
the present creation had been preceded by an earlier 
creation, an imperfect and chaotic prototype of that 
which followed. This earlier creation, in fact, had 
been the work of chaos, and the destruction of it by 
the younger gods of light and order ushered in the 
new creation of the visible world. Light and dark- 
ness, chaos and order, are ever struggling one against 
the other ; but the victory of light and order was 


assured ever since Merodach, the Sun-god, overthrew 
the dragon Tiamat, " the wicked serpent " as she is 
also called, who represented chaos and anarchy. 
Tiamat is the Assyrian equivalent of the Hebrew 
tehom, "the deep," upon whose face, according to 
Gen. i. 2, darkness had rested before the universe 
was made. 

The cosmological system of the first tablet found 
its way into the pages of a Greek writer, Damaskios, 
who lived in the sixth century of our era (De Prim. 
Princip. 125, p. 384, ed. Kopp). "The Babylon- 
ians," he tells us, " like the rest of the barbarians, 
pass over in silence the one principle of the universe, 
and they constitute two, Tavthe and Apason, mak- 
ing Apason the husband of Tavthe, and denominat- 
ing her * the mother of the gods.' And from these 
proceeds an only-begotten son Mumis, which, I con- 
ceive, is no other than the intelligible world pro- 
ceeding from the two principles. From them also 
another progeny is derived, Lakhe and Lakhos ; and 
again a third, Kissare and Assoros, from which last 
three others proceed, Anos and Illinos and Aos. 
And of Aos and Davke is born a son called Belos, 
who, they say, is the fabricator of the world." 

Tavthe is Tiamat or Tiavat, Apason is a/su, 
" the abyss," and Mumis is Mummu, who, however, 
is identified with Tiamat in the epic, Kissare and 
Assoros being Ki-sar and An-sar, "the lower" and 
" the upper firmament." Lakhe and Lakhos, that is 
to say, Lakhmu or Lakhvu and Lakhamu or La- 


khavu, must be read instead of the Dakhe and Dakhos 
of the manuscripts. Belos is Bel-Merodach, " the 
younger Bel," in contradistinction to " the older 
Bel " of the city of Nipur, one of whose Accadian 
names was Illil, the Illinos of Damaskios. It is 
probable that the name of Lakhamu was carried to 
Canaan along with those of other Babylonian gods 
such as Rimmon, Nebo, and Sin. At all events 
Lakhmi seems to be the name of a Philistine in 
i Chron. xx. 5, and Beth-lehem is best explained as 
"the house of Lekhem," like Beth-Dagon, "the 
house of Dagon," or Beth-Anoth, "the house of 

Only the commencement of the first tablet (num- 
bered K 5419) has been recovered, but the tablet 
was of no great length, as the larger part of the 
reverse appears to have been occupied by the colo- 
phon. It has been published by Mr. George Smith 
in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical A rchce- 
ology, iv. 2 (1876), and by Professor Fr. Delitzsch 
in his Assyrische Lesestiicke (ist edition, 1878), and 
has been translated by Mr. Smith in his Chaldean 
Genesis. Translations of it by Dr. Oppert, Dr. 
Schrader, and myself have subsequently appeared. 
A small fragment of the second tablet has been 
found by Professor Delitzsch, containing the colo- 
phon, " the second tablet (of the series beginning) 
' when above.' ' The third tablet was partly repre- 
sented by the fragments numbered K 3473, Rm. 
615. Line? 17-42 of the obverse have been 


published by Professor Delitzsch in his AssyriscJies 
Wb'rterbuch, i. p. 100, and portions of the text are 
translated in Smith's Chaldean Genesis. A fragment 
of the fourth tablet from the Library of Kouyunjik, 
numbered K 3437, has been published by George 
Smith (Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., iv. 2), and Delitzsch 
(Ass. Leses., pp. 82, 83), and translated by Smith, 
Oppert, Leiiormant, and others ; but nearly the whole 
of the text has now been recovered from a tablet 
brought from Babylonia by Mr. Rassam (numbered 
82-9-18, 3737), and published by Mr. Budge in the 
Proceedings of tJie Society of Biblical Arc/oology for 
6th December 1887. A translation of it has been 
given by myself in my Lectures on the Religion of 
tJie Ancient Babylonians, pp. 379 scq. (1887), which I 
can now improve in several particulars. The fifth 
tablet (K 3567) was published by Smith (Trans. Soc. 
Bib. ArcJi., iv. 2), and Delitzsch (Ass. Leses., p. 78), 
and translated by Smith, Oppert, and Lenormant. 
About one-third of it is lost. Of the seventh (?) 
tablet only three small fragments remain (345, 248, 
147), published by Delitzsch (Ass. Leses., p. 79), 
and translated by Smith in his Chaldean Genesis. 
To the third tablet probably belongs an unpublished 
fragment (K 3449), describing the preparation of 
the bow of Merodach ; an attempt at its translation 
will be found in Smith's Chaldean Genesis. 

No fragments of the sixth tablet have as yet been 
noticed. According to Professor Delitzsch the frag- 
ment belonging to the second tablet concludes with 


the prayer of Merodach to capture Tiamat and 
avenge the gods, after Anu and Ea had already 
declined to undertake the (Assyrzsc/ies WorterbucJi, 
i. p. 65). The first line of the next tablet is stated 
to be, " An-sar (the upper firmament) opened his 
mouth." From this point onwards the ends of the 
lines are preserved on the fragment numbered K 
3473, and from line 9 onwards the beginnings of 
the lines on fragment K 3938. They run as 
follows : 

1. "An-sar opened his mouth, and 

2. unto him (Merodach) he speaks the word : 

3. ('O lord, I) am yearning 1 in my liver; 

4. (against Tiamat) let me send thee, even thee : 

5. (with the snare?) thou shalt ensnare (Tiamat), thou 

shalt be exalted (?) 

6 thy ... to thy presence. 

7 their divine porter. 

8 let them dwell in feasting.' 

9. The god went (saying), let them make the wine. 

10. Humbly the god has . . . them; let them hear the 


11. He has established and has fixed their . . ., (saying) 

thus : 

12. 'Do thou .... thy (word) repeat to them. 

13. An-sar, moreover, . . . has urged me on; 

1 4. the law of (his) heart has made me, even me, to ponder 

15. thus: 'Tiamat . . . has seen us; 

1 6. she has convened (sitkunaf] an assembly, and is violently 

enraged.' " 

Here follows the passage translated further on. 
The last two lines of the tablet, as we learn from a 

1 KLummulu, from khamalu, " to be pitiful." 


small fragment, concluded with the words, " (Mero- 
dach) ascended (from) their midst (and the great 
gods) determined (for him his) destiny." 

It will be seen that a good deal of the poem 
consists of the words put into the mouth of the god 
Merodach, derived possibly from older lays. The 
first tablet or book, however, expresses the cosmo- 
logical doctrines of the author's own day. It opens 
before the beginning of time, the expression "at that 
time" answering to the expression "in the beginning" 
of Genesis. The heavens and earth had not yet 
been created, and since the name was supposed to 
be the same as the thing named, their names had 
not as yet been pronounced. A watery chaos alone 
existed, Mummu Tiamat, " the chaos of the deep." 
Out of the bosom of this chaos proceeded the gods 
as well as the created world. First came the prim- 
aeval divinities Lakhmu and Lakhamu, words of 
unknown meaning, and then An-sar and Ki-sar, " the 
upper" and " lower firmament." Last of all were 
born the three supreme gods of the Babylonian faith, 
Anu the sky-god, Bel or Illil the lord of the ghost- 
world, and Ea the god of the river and sea. 

But before the younger gods could find a suitable 
habitation for themselves and their creation it was 
necessary to destroy "the dragon" of chaos with all 
her monstrous offspring. The task was undertaken 
by the Babylonian sun-god Merodach, the son of Ea, 
An-sar promising him victory, and the other gods 
providing for him his arms. The second tablet was 


occupied with an account of the preparations made 
to ensure the victory of light over darkness and 
order over anarchy. 

The third tablet described the success of the god 
of light over the allies of Tiamat. Light was intro- 
duced into the world, and it only remained to 
destroy Tiamat herself. The combat is described 
in the fourth tablet, which takes the form of a poem 
in honour of Merodach, and is probably an earlier 
poem incorporated into his text by the author of the 
epic. Tiamat was slain and her allies put in bond- 
age, while the books of destiny which had hitherto 
been possessed by the older race of gods were now 
transferred to the younger deities of the new world. 
The visible heaven was formed out of the skin of 
Tiamat, and became the outward symbol of An-sar 
and the habitation of Anu, Bel, and Ea, while the 
chaotic waters of the dragon became the law-bound 
sea ruled over by Ea. 

The heavens having been thus made, the fifth 
tablet tells us how they were furnished with mansions 
for the sun and moon and stars, and how the 
heavenly bodies were bound down by fixed laws 
that they might regulate the calendar and determine 
the year. The sixth tablet probably described the 
creation of the earth, as well as of vegetables, birds, 
and fish. In the seventh tablet the creation of 
animals and reptiles was narrated, and doubtless also 
that of mankind. 

It will be seen from this that in its main outlines 



the Assyrian epic of the creation bears a striking 
resemblance to the account of it given in the first 
chapter of Genesis. In each case the history of the 
creation is divided into seven successive acts ; in 
each case the present world has been preceded by a 
watery chaos. In fact the self-same word is used of 
this chaos in both the Biblical and Assyrian accounts 
tehdm, Tiamat the only difference being that in 
the Assyrian story " the deep " has become a mytho- 
logical personage, the mother of a chaotic brood. 
The order of the creation, moreover, agrees in the 
two accounts ; first the light, then the creation of 
the firmament of heaven, subsequently the appoint- 
ment of the celestial bodies " for signs and for 
seasons and for days and years," and next, the 
creation of beasts and "creeping things." But the 
two accounts also differ in some important par- 
ticulars. In the Assyrian epic the earth seems not 
to have been made until after the appointment of 
the heavenly bodies, instead of before it as in 
Genesis, and the seventh day is a day of work 
instead of rest, while there is nothing corresponding 
to the statement of Genesis that " the Spirit of God 
moved upon the face of the waters." But the most 
important difference consists in the interpolation of 
the struggle between Merodach and the powers of 
evil, as a consequence of which light was introduced 
into the universe and the firmament of the heavens 
was formed. 

It has long since been noted that the conception 


of this struggle stands in curious parallelism to the 
verses of the Apocalypse (Rev. ! xii. 7-9) : " And 
there was war in heaven : Michael and his angels 
fought against the dragon ; and the dragon fought 
and his angels, and prevailed not ; neither was their 
place found any more in heaven. And the great 
dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the 
Devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world." 
We are also reminded of the words of Isaiah xxiv. 
21, 22 : "The Lord shall visit the host of the high 
ones that are on high, and the kings of the earth 
upon the earth. And they shall be gathered to- 
gether, as prisoners are gathered in the pit, and 
shall be shut up in prison." It may be added that 
an Assyrian bas-relief now in the British Museum 
represents Tiamat with horns and claws, tail and 

There is no need of drawing attention to the pro- 
found difference of spiritual conception that exists 
between the Assyrian epic and the first chapter of 
Genesis. The one is mythological and polytheistic, 
with an introduction savouring of the later material- 
ism of the schools ; the other is sternly monotheistic. 
Between Bel-Merodach and the Hebrew God there 
is an impassable gulf. 

It is unfortunate that the last lines of the epic in 
which the creation of man would have been recorded 
have not yet been recovered. A passage in one of 
the early magical texts of Babylonia, however, goes 
to show that the Babylonians believed that the 


woman was produced from the man, conformably 
to the statement in Gen. ii. 22, 23. We there read 
of the seven evil spirits (W. A. I., iv. i. i. 36, 37) 
that " the woman from the man do they bring 




1. At that time the heaven above had not yet announced, 

2. or the earth beneath recorded, a name; 

3. the unopened 1 deep was their generator, 

4. MUMMU-TIAMAT (the chaos of the sea) was the mother 

of them all. 

5. Their waters were embosomed as one, 2 and 

6. the corn-field 3 was unharvested, the pasture was un- 


7. At that time the gods had not appeared, any of them ; 

8. by no name were they recorded, no destiny (had they 


9. Then the (great) gods were created, 

10. LAKHMU and LAKHAMU issued forth (the first), 
n. until they grew up (when) 

12. AN-SAR and KI-SAR were created. 

13. Long were the days, extended (was the time, until) 

14. the gods ANU, (BEL and EA were born), 

15. AN-SAR and KI-SAR (gave them birth). 

The rest of the tablet is lost. 
1 Or "first-born," if we adopt Delitzsch's reading ristu instead of la 

2 This is shown to be the signification of istenis by S 1140, 8. 

3 Gipara ; seeW. A. I., V. i. 48-50. Nirba kdn yusakhnapu giparu 
'sippati summukha inbu, "the corn-god continuously caused the corn- 
field to grow, the papyri were gladdened with fruit ; " S 799, 2. Ana 
gipari eltu erubbi (Accadian mi-para-ki azagga imma-dan-tutu], " to the 
holy cornfield he went down." The word has nothing to do with 
' ' clouds " or " darkness. ' ' 




17. "The gods have marched round her, 1 all of them; 

1 8. up to those whom thou hast created at her side I 

have gone." 

1 9. When they were gathered (?) beside her, TIAMAT they 


20. The strong one (MERODACH), the glorious, who desists 

not night or day, 

21. the exciter to battle, was disturbed in heart. 

22. Then they marshalled (their) forces; they create dark- 


23. " The mother of KHUBUR, 2 the creatress of them all, 

24. I pursued with (my) weapons unsurpassed; (then) did 

the great snake(s) bite. 3 

25. With my teeth sharpened unsparingly did I bite. 

26. With poisoned breath like blood their bodies I filled. 

27. The raging vampires 4 I clothed with terror. 

28. I lifted up the lightning-flash, on high I launched (it). 5 

29. Their messenger SAR-BABA 

30. Their bodies were struck, but it pierced not their 


31. I made ready the dragon, the mighty serpent and the 

god LAKHA(MA), 

1 I ' skhuru-si. 

2 Khubur is identified with 'Su-edin on the eastern side of the Baby- 
lonian plain in W. A. I., ii. 50, 51. Professor Delitzsch suggests that 
the expression ummu Khubur may be the origin of the name Omoroka 
assigned by Berdssos to Tiamat. 

3 Ittaqiir from naqaru. In Hebrew the verb is used especially of 
piercing the eyes. 

4 The usumgalli or "solitary monsters" were fabulous beasts who 
were supposed to devour the corpses of the dead, and were therefore not 
exactly vampires which devoured the living, but corresponded rather with 
one of the creatures mentioned in Is. xiii. 21, 22; xxxiv. 14. 



32. the great reptile, the deadly beast and the scorpion- 

man, 1 

33. the devouring 2 reptiles, the fish-man 1 and the gazelle- 

god, 3 

34. lifting up (my) weapons that spare not, fearless of 


35. strong through the law which (yields?) not before the 


36. The eleven-fold (offspring), like him (their messenger), 

were utterly (overthrown ?). 

37. Among the gods her forces 

38. I humbled the god KiNGU 4 in the sight (of his con- 

sort?), the queen. 

39. They who went in front before the army (I smote?), 

40. lifting up (my) weapons, a snare for TI(AMAT). 

1 According to the gth tablet of the Epic of Gisdhubar, ' ' the scorpion- 
men" guard the gate between "the twin mountains" through which the 
sun passes at its rising and setting. The fish-man was Cannes, after- 
wards identified with Ea, who brought wisdom and culture to Chaldaea 
out of the Persian Gulf. 

2 Dapruti (see W. A. I. , v. 16, 80) from the same root as diparalu, 
" a flame." 

3 The gazelle -god was identified by the later mythology of Baby- 
lonia, sometimes with Ea the god of Eridu, sometimes with Bel the god 
of Nipur : see my Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, 
pp. 283 seq. 

4 Kingu was the husband of Tiamat. 




1. So he established for him (i.e. MERODACH) the shrine 

of the mighty ; 

2. before (?) his fathers for a kingdom did he found (it). 1 

3. Yea, thou art glorious among the great gods ; 

4. thy destiny is unrivalled; thy gift-day 2 is (that of) 


5. O MERODACH, thou art glorious among the great 


6. thy destiny is unrivalled; thy gift-day is (that of) 


7. Since that day unchanged is thy command. 

8. High and low entreat thy hand : 

9. may the word that goes forth from thy mouth be 

established ; untroubled is thy gift-day. 

10. None among the gods has surpassed thy power 

11. at the time when (thy hand) founded the shrine of the 

god of the sky. 3 

12. May the place of their gathering (?) become thy home ! 

13. " O MERODACH, thou art he who avenges us ; 

14. we give thee the sovereignty, (we) the hosts of all the 

universe ! 

1 5. Thou possessest (it), and in the assembly (of the gods) 

mayest thou. exalt thy word ! 

1 6. Never may thy weapons be broken ; 4 may thine ene- 

mies tremble ! 

17. O lord, be gracious to the soul of him who putteth 

his trust in thee, 

1 These are the last two lines of the Third Tablet. 
' 2 'Sigar. In W. A. I., v. i, 12, we read that the i2th of lyyar was 
the 'sigar or "festival " of the goddess Gula. 

3 Literally " the covering of heaven " (nalbas same}. 

4 Literally "may they open." 


8. and destroy 1 the soul of the god who has hold of 


9. Then they set in their midst his saying unique ; 2 

20. to MERODACH their first-born they spake : 

21. "May thy destiny, O lord, go before the god of 

heaven ; 
2 2. may he confirm (?) the destruction and creation of all 

that is said. 
2 3. Set thy mouth ; let it destroy his word : 

24. turn, speak unto it, and let him lift up his word 

(again)." 3 

25. He spake and with his mouth destroyed his word; 

26. he turned, he spake unto it and his word was re-created. 

27. Like (the word) that issues from his mouth the gods 

his fathers saw it : 

28. they rejoiced, they approached MERODACH the king. 

29. They bestowed upon him the sceptre (and) throne and 


30. they gave him a weapon unsurpassed, consuming the 


31. " Go " (they said), " and cut off the life of TIAMAT ; 

32. let the winds carry her blood to secret places." 

33. The gods his fathers also hear the report of EA : 

34. "A path of peace and obedience is the road I have 

caused (him) to take." 

35. There was too the bow, as his weapon he prepared 


36. he made the club swing, he fixed its seat; 

37. and he lifted up the sacred weapon 4 which he bade 

his right hand hold. 

38. The bow and the quiver he hung at his side ; 

1 Literally "pour out." 

2 The "saying," or "Word," is regarded as having a real existence 
which could be created, destroyed, and re-created by Merodach. The 
" Word" is similarly personified in Zech. ix. i. 

3 We have here the same idea as in the "burden" of the Hebrew 
prophets, the Assyrian verb "to lift up" being nasu, the Hebrew nasd, 
whence massd, "a burden" or "oracle." 

4 The badhdhu was the name of the weapon sacred to Merodach. From 
the sculptures it vould appear to have been a kind of boomerang. 


39. he set the lightning before him ; 

40. with a glance of swiftness he filled his body. 

41. He made also a snare to enclose the dragon of the 


42. He seized the four winds that they might not issue 

forth, any one of them, 

43. the south wind, the north wind, the east wind (and) 

the west wind. 

44. His hand brought the snare near the bow l of his father 


45. He created the evil wind, the hostile wind, the storm, 

the tempest, 

46. the four winds, the seven winds, the whirlwind, the 

unending wind ; 

47. and he caused the winds which he had created to 

issue forth, the seven of them, 

48. confounding the dragon TIAMAT, as they swept after 


49. Then the lord lifted up the deluge, his mighty weapon. 

50. He rode in the chariot of destiny that retreats without 

a rival. 2 

51. He stood firm and hung the four reins at its side. 

52. (He held the weapon?) unsparing, that overfloods her 


53 their teeth carry poison. 

54 they sweep away the learned. 

55 might and battle. 

56. On the left they open their 

57 fear 

58. With the lightning-flash and .... he crowned his 


59. He directed also (his way), he made his path descend, 


60. humbly he set the .... before him. 

6 1. By (his) command he kept back the .... 

62. His finger holds the 

1 Here we have a curiously weakened form, kisti instead of qasti. 

2 Or if we correct the text and read makhri la galidta, " that fears not 
a rival." 


63. On that day they exalted him, the gods exalted him, 

64. the gods his fathers exalted him, the gods exalted 


65. Then the lord approached; he catches TIAMAT by her 

waist ; 

66. she seeks the huge bulk (?) of KINGU her husband, 

67. she looks also for his counsel. 

68. Then the rebellious one (TIAMAT) appointed 1 him the 

overthrower of the command of BEL. 

69. But the gods his helpers who marched beside him 

70. beheld (how MERODACH) the first-born held their yoke. 

71. He laid judgment on TIAMAT (but) she turned not her 


72. With her hostile lip(s) she announced opposition. 

73. (Then) the gods (came) to the help of the lord, sweep- 

ing after thee : 

74. they gathered their (forces) together to where thou wast. 

75. (And) the lord (launched) the deluge, his mighty 

weapon ; 

76. (against) TIAMAT, whom he requited, he sent it with 

these words : 

77. "(War) on high thou hast excited. 

78. (Strengthen ?) thy heart and muster (thy troops) against 

the god(s). 

79 their fathers beside (thee). 

80 thou hast opposed 

8 1 to (thy) husband. 

82 lordship^} 

83 thou seekest. 


1. (Against) the gods my fathers thou has directed thy 


2. Thou harnesser of thy companions, may thy weapons 

reach their bodie(s). 

3. Stand up, and I and thou will fight together." 

4. When TIAMAT heard this, 

1 Read ip-qid. 


5. she uttered her former spells, she repeated her com- 


6. TIAMAT also cried out vehemently with a loud voice. 

7. From its roots she strengthened (her) seat completely. 

8. She recites an incantation, she casts a spell, 

9. and the gods of battle demand for themselves their 


10. Then TIAMAT attacked MERODACH the chief prophet 

of the gods ; 

11. in combat they joined; they met in battle. 

12. And the lord outspread his snare (and) enclosed her. 

13. He sent before him the evil wind to seize (her) from 


1 4. And TIAMAT opened her mouth to swallow it. 

15. He made the evil wind enter so that she could not 

close her lips. 

1 6. The violence of the winds tortured her stomach, and 

17. her heart was prostrated and her mouth was twisted. 

1 8. He swung the club, he shattered her stomach; 

1 9. he cut out her entrails ; he overmastered (her) heart ; 

20. he bound her and ended her life. 

21. He threw down her corpse; he stood upon it. 

22. When TIAMAT who marched before (them) was con- 


23. he dispersed her forces, her host was overthrown, 

24. and the gods her allies who marched beside her 

25. trembled (and) feared (and) turned their backs. 

26. They escaped and saved their lives. 

2 7. They clung to one another fleeing helplessly. 

28. He followed them and shattered their weapons. 

29. He cast his snare and they are caught in his net. 

30. Knowing (?) the regions they are filled with grief. 

31. They bear their sin, they are kept in bondage, 

32. and the elevenfold offspring are troubled through fear. 

33. The spirits as they march perceived (?) the glory (of 


34. His hand lays blindness (on their eyes). 

35. At the same time their opposition (is broken) from 

under them ; 


36. and the god KINGU who had (marshalled) their 


37. he bound him also along with the god of the tablets 

(of destiny in) his right hand. 

38. And he took from him the tablets of destiny (that were) 

upon him. 

39. With the string of the stylus he sealed (them) and 

held the ... of the tablet. 

40. From the time when he had bound (and) laid the yoke 

on his foes 

41. he led the illustrious enemy captive like an ox, 

42. he established fully the victory of AN-SAR 1 over the 


43. MERODACH overcame the lamentation of (EA) the lord 

of the world. 

44. Over the gods in bondage he strengthened his watch, 


45. TIAMAT whom he had bound he turned head back- 

wards ; 

46. then the lord trampled on the underpart of TIAMAT. 

47. With his club unbound he smote (her) skull; 

48. he broke (it) and caused her blood to flow ; 

49. the north wind bore (it) away to secret places. 2 

50. Then his father (EA) beheld (and) rejoiced at the 

savour ; 

51. he caused the spirits (?) to bring a peace-offering to 


1 The primaeval god of the Firmament. 

2 The meaning of the blood of Tiamat is shown by the two contradic- 
tory Babylonian legends of the creation which Berossos, the Chaldean 
historian, has amalgamated together : "Belos (Merodach) came and cut 
the woman (Tiamat) asunder, and of one half of her he formed the earth, 
and of the other half the heavens, and at the same time destroyed the 
animals within her (in the abyss). All this was an allegorical description 
of nature. For, the whole universe consisting of moisture, and animals 
being continually generated therein, the deity above mentioned (Belos) cut 
off his own head ; upon which the other gods mixed the blood, as it 
gushed out, with the earth, and from thence men were formed. On this 
account it is that they are rational and partake of divine knowledge." 
Similarly, according to Philon Byblios, Phoenician cosmology declared that 
the blood of Uranos or Baal-samaim, when mutilated by his son Kronos 
near the rivers and fountains, flowed into them and fertilised the earth. 


52. So the lord rested; his body he feeds. 

53. He strengthens (his) mind (?), he forms a clever plan, 

54. and he stripped her of (her) skin like a fish, according 

to his plan ; 

55. he described her likeness and (with it) overshadowed 

the heavens ; 

56. he stretched out the skin, he kept a watch, 

57. he urged on her waters that were not issuing forth ; 

58. he lit up the sky; the sanctuary (of heaven) rejoiced, 


59. he presented himself before the deep, the seat of EA. 

60. Then the lord measured (TIAMAT) the offspring of the 

deep ; 

6 1. the chief prophet made of her l image the house of the 

Firmament. 2 

62. -SARRA which he had created (to be) the heavens 

63. the chief prophet caused ANU, BEL and EA to inhabit 

as their stronghold. 

64. [First line of the next tablet -\ He prepared the man- 

sions of the great gods. 

65. [COLOPHON.] One hundred and forty-six lines of the 

4th tablet (of the series beginning:) "When on 
high unproclaimed." 

66. According to the papyri of the tablet whose writing had 

been injured. 

67. Copied for NEBO his lord by Nahid-Merodach, the son 

of the irrigator, for the preservation of his life 

68. and the life of all his house. He wrote and placed (it) 

in -ZiDA. 3 

1 " Its" in the original. 

2 -Sarra. 

3 -Zida, " the constituted house," was the great temple of Nebo in 
Borsippa, now represented by the Birs-i-Nimrud. The copy of the text 
deposited in it by Nahid-Merodach was probably made in the Persian age. 




1. He prepared the twin mansions of the great gods. 

2. He fixed the stars, even the twin-stars, 1 to correspond 

with them. 

3. He ordained the year, appointing the signs of the 

Zodiac 2 over (it). 

4. For each of the twelve months he fixed three stars, 

5. from the day when the year issues forth to the close. 

6. He founded the mansion of (the Sun-god) the god of 

the ferry-boat, that they might know their bonds, 

7. that they might not err, that they might not go astray 

in any way. 

8. He established the mansion of BEL and EA along with 


9. Moreover he opened the great gates on either side, 

10. he strengthened the bolts on the left hand and on the 


1 1. and in the midst of it he made a staircase. 

12. He illuminated the Moon-god that he might be porter 

of the night, 

13. and ordained for him the ending of the night that the 

day may be known, 

1 4. (saying :) " Month by month, without break, keep 

watch in thy disk. 

15. At the beginning of the month light up the night, 

1 6. announcing thy horns that the heaven may know. 

1 7. On the seventh day, (filling thy) disk 

1 8. thou shalt open indeed (its) narrow contraction. 

1 9. At that time the sun (will be) on the horizon of heaven 

at thy (rising). 
2 o. Thou shalt cut off its ... : 

1 Lu-masi, literally " the twin oxen," of which seven were reckoned. 

2 Mizrata, which is the same word as the mazzaroth of Job xxxviii. 32. 


21. (Thereafter) towards the path of the sun thou shalt 


22. (Then) the contracted size of the sun shall indeed 

change (P) 1 

23 seeking its path. 

24 descend and pronounce judgment. 

The rest of the obverse and the first three lines of the reverse 
are destroyed. 


4. [First line of the next tablet .-] When the assembly of the 

gods had heard him. 

5. Fifth tablet of the (series beginning) "When on high." 

6. The property of Assur-bani-pal the king of hosts, the 

king of Assyria. 

1 The mutilated condition of the tablet makes the translation of this 
line extremely doubtful. There may be a' reference in it to the star Al-tar 
or Dapinu. 




1. At that time the gods in their assembly created (the 


2. They made perfect the mighty (monsters). 

3. They caused the living creatures (of the field) to come 


4 the cattle of the field, (the wild beasts) of the field and 
the creeping things (of the field). 

5. (They fixed their habitations) for the living creatures 

(of the field). 

6. They distributed x (in their dwelling-places) the cattle 

and the creeping things of the city. 

7. (They made strong) the multitude of creeping things, 

all the offspring (of the earth). 

8 in the assembly of my family. 

9 EA the god of the illustrious face. 

10 the multitude of creeping things did I make 

ii the seed of LAKHAMA did I destroy, 

The rest is lost. 
1 Yuzahi(zu}. 





1. The snare which they had made the gods beheld. 

2. They beheld also the bow, how it had been stored up. 

3. The work they had wrought they lay down, 

4. and ANU lifted (it) up in the assembly of the gods. 

5. He kissed the bow ; it .... 

6. and he addressed the arch of the bow, (saying) thus : 

7. "The wood I stretch once 1 and yet again. 

8. The third time is the ... of the star of the bow in 


9. I have established also the position of ... 
i o. Since the fates " . 

1 Istenumma. 



BESIDES the story of the Creation in a series of 
successive acts, Mr. George Smith brought to light 
the fragments of two tablets containing another 
legend of the Creation which varied very consider- 
ably from it. The tablets belonged to the library of 
Assur-bani-pal at Nineveh, but the colophon informs 
us that they had been copied from older documents 
which came from the library of Cutha, now Tel 
Ibrahim, in Babylonia. The text has never been 
published, but a translation was given of it by Mr. 
Smith in his Chaldean Genesis, and a revised version 
by myself in the Records of the Past, vol. xi. As 
much progress has been made in cuneiform studies 
during the ten years which have elapsed since the 
latter was published, I now give another translation 
of the inscription, embodying the improvements 
which our increased knowledge of the Assyrian 
language has enabled me to make. 

The Cuthaean legend, it will be observed, knows 


nothing of a creation in successive acts. Chaos is a 
period when as yet writing was unknown. But the 
earth already existed, and was inhabited by the 
chaotic brood of Tiamat, imperfect first attempts, as 
it were, of nature, who lived in a city underground. 
They were destroyed, not by Merodach, the god of 
Babylon, but by Nergal, the patron-deity of Cutha, 
who is identified with Nerra, the god of pestilence, 
and Ner, the mythical monarch of Babylonia who 
reigned before the Deluge. The words of the poem 
are put into the mouth of Nergal, and the poem itself 
was written for his great temple at Cutha. 

The legend of Cutha agrees better with that 
reported by Berossos than does the legend of the 
Epic. In both alike we have a first creation of 
living beings, and these beings are of a composite 
nature, the offspring of Tiamat or Chaos. In both 
alike the whole brood is exterminated by the gods 
of light. 

The date to which the legend in its present form 
may be assigned is difficult to determine. The in- 
scription is written in Semitic only, like the other 
creation-tablets, and consequently cannot belong to 
the pre-Semitic age. It belongs, moreover, to an 
epoch when the unification of the deities of Baby- 
lonia had already taken place, and the circle of the 
great gods was complete. Ea, Istar, Zamama, 
Anunit, even Nebo and Samas, are all referred to in 
it. Possibly it may be dated in the age of Kham- 
muragas (cir. B.C. 2350). 



Many lines are lost at the commencement. 

2. His word (is) the command of the gods . . . 

3. His glancing-white instrument (is) the glancing-white 

instrument (of the gods). 

4. (He is) lord of that which is above and that which is 

below, the lord of the spirits of earth, 

5. who drinks turbid waters and drinks not clear waters ; 

6. in whose field that warrior's weapon all that rests 

there (?) 

7. has captured (and) destroyed. 

8. On a tablet he wrote not, he opened not (the mouth), 

and bodies and produce 

9. he caused not to come forth in the land, and I 

approached him not. 

i o. Warriors with the body of a bird of the valley, men 

11. with the faces of ravens, 

1 2. did the great gods create. 

13. In the ground the gods created his city. 

14. TIAMAT gave them suck. 

15. Their progeny 1 the mistress of the gods created. 

1 6. In the midst of the mountains they grew up and became 

heroes and 

17. increased in number. 

1 8. Seven kings, brethren, appeared as begetters; 

19. six thousand (in number were) their armies. 

20. The god BA-NINI their father (was) king; their mother 

21. the queen (was) MELILI ; 

1 Sasur. 


22. their eldest brother who went before them, ME-MANGAB 1 

(was) his name; 

23. (their) second brother, ME-DUDU 2 (was) his name; 

24. (their) third brother, [ME-MAN]PAKH (was) his name ; 

25. (their) fourth brother, [ME-DA]DA (was) his name; 

2 6. (their) fifth brother, [ME-MAN]TAKH (was) his name ; 

27. (their) sixth brother, [ME-RU]RU S (was) his name; 

28. (their seventh brother, ME-RARA was) his name. 


Many lines are destroyed. 

1. ... the evil curse . . . 

2. He turned his word . . . 

3. On a ... I arranged . . . 

4. On a tablet the evil curse he wrote (?)... 

5. In ... I urged the augurs on. 

6. Seven against seven in breadth I arranged (them). 

7. I set up the holy reeds (?). 

8. I prayed to (?) the great gods, 


10. NEBO, . . . , (and) SAMAS the warrior, 

11. the son (of the Moon-god, the . . . ) of the gods my 

12 he did not give, and 

13. thus I spake to my heart 

1 4. saying : Verily it is I, and 

1 5. never may I go ... beneath the dust ! 

1 6. never may I go ... the prayer. 

17. May I go when the son . . . my heart ; 

1 8. and may I renew the iron, may I assume the black 

garment. 4 

1 "The voice" or "thunder strikes." The Accadian proper names 
found in the legend indicate that although in its present form it is of 
Semitic origin it must be based on older pre-Semitic materials. Moreover, 
the expression "his name" is written in Accadian (mu-ni) which shows 
that it has been quoted from an Accadian text. 

2 "The voice goes up and down." 

3 " The voice creates. " 4 Ati lutsbat. 


19. The first year as it passed 

20. one hundred and twenty thousand warriors I caused to 

go forth, and among them 

21. not one returned alive. 

22. The second year as it passed I caused 90,000 soldiers 

to go forth and none returned alive. 

23. The third year as it passed I caused 60,700 to go forth, 

and none returned. 

24. They were carried away, they were smitten with sick- 

ness. I ate, 

25. I lamented, 1 1 rested. 

26. Thus did I speak to my heart saying, " Verily it is I, 


27. (yet) what have I left to reign over? 

28. I am a king who makes not his country whole, 


1. and a shepherd who makes not his people whole, 

2. Since I have produced corpses and have left a desert." : 

3. With terror of men, 3 night, death (and) plague have I 

cursed it. 

4. With fear, violence, destruction (and) famine 

5. (I have effected) the overthrow of all that exist. 

6 ....... there descended. 

7 ....... (I) caused a deluge. 

8 ........ that deluge. 

9 ......... all 

i o. the foundations (of the earth were shaken ?) 

11. The gods ..... 

12. Thou didst command me, and . . . 

13. and they are created (?) . . . 

14. Thou protectest . . . 

15. A memorial of drinking and . . . 
1 6. in supplication to Ea . . . 

17. holy memorial sacrifices .... 

3 Salummat nisi. This passage shows that salummat cannot signify 
"brilliance," as Jensen supposes. 


1 8. holy laws .... 

19.1 called the sons of the augurs . . . 

20. seven against seven in breadth I arranged (them). 

21. I placed the holy reeds (?)... 

22. I implored (?) the (great) gods, 

23. ISTAR, . . ., (ZAMAMA, ANUNIT), 

24. NEBO, . . . (and SAMAS the warrior) 

25. the son (of the Moon-god, the ... of the gods my 



Many lines are lost. 

1. With .... 

2. the men .... 

3. the city NAK X .... 

4. a city which .... 

5. to .... 

6. powerful king .... 

7. the gods .... 

8. my hand .... 

9. Thou, O king, high priest, 2 shepherd, or any one else, 

10. whom the god shall call (to) rule the kingdom, 

1 1. this tablet I have made for thee, (this) stele I have in- 

scribed for thee 

1 2. in the city of CUTHA in the temple of SULIM ; 3 

1 3. in the ark 4 of NERGAL I have left it for thee. 

14. Hearken to the voice 5 of this stele, and 

15. remove it not, forget 6 it not; 

1 6. fear not, tremble not ! 

17. May he establish thy seat ! 

1 8. Mayest thou achieve success 7 in thy works ! 

1 Perhaps nak(ru) "foreign." z Pate' si. 

3 The name of the great temple of Nergal in Cutha. For the reading 
see my Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians. 

4 Papakh, " the ark" in which the image of the god was carried, and 
which stood in the inner shrine or " holy of holies " (parakku}. 

fi Literally "mouth." 6 Tensi for temsi. 7 Sijxir. 


19. Build up 1 thy fortresses ! 

20. Fill 2 thy canals with water ! 

21. May thy papyri, 3 thy corn, thy silver, 

22. thy goods, thy property, 

23. (and) thy furniture, (all) of them 

24. (be multiplied) ! strengthen the ... for (thy) hands ! 
25 make perfect the stores of thine increase ! 

26. (As for the evil one) thou shalt cause him to go forth. 

27. (As for the harmful one) thou shalt enchain him. 

1 Urrim, whence arammu, "a wall." 
2 Nabli; comp. nubalu, W. A. I., i. 15, vii. 57. 3 Pi'sannati. 



HAVING worked for more than five-and-twenty years 
at the Babylonian and Assyrian deeds of contract and 
legal decisions, and having explained the documents 
relating to these subjects which have been discovered 
in Mesopotamia, I am now able to state that the 
meaning of these difficult texts is at length fairly 
well understood by us. The simplest explanation is 
that which is the most difficult to obtain, and I have 
no doubt that the translations and interpretations I 
offer will appear to many scholars so easy and con- 
clusive as to make them assume that any one might 
have discovered them at the outset. Fortunately, 
however, not only the translations of other scholars, 
but my own imperfect ones as well, have been pub- 
lished, and will thus convince younger students of the 
immense difficulty there is in arriving at results which 
seem so evident. 

The first texts which I have selected contain cer- 
tain contracts and legal decisions relating indubitably 
to captive Jews who had been carried to Babylon after 


the destruction of Jerusalem. One of the most inter- 
esting of them is a lawsuit commenced by a Jewish 
slave named Barachiel in order to recover his original 
status. A copy of the text has been published by 
Father Strassmaier in the Transactions of the Oriental 
Congress at Leyden, No. 42. 

My translation of it, which will appear in the 
Transactions of the Oriental Congress at Vienna, has 
been amended in one or two points. The translations 
offered by Dr. V. Revillout and a young Assyriologist, 
Dr. Peiser, are very imperfect, Dr. Revillout having 
entirely misunderstood the nature of the suit referred 
to, and having fallen into several grammatical errors, 
while Dr. Peiser's rendering is not less unacceptable. 

The case was as follows : Barachiel, who bears 
the same name as the father of Elihu in the Book of 
Job (xxxii. 2, 6), had been the property of a wealthy 
person named Akhi-nuri, who had sold him to a widow 
of the name of Gaga, about 570 B.C. He remained in 
the house of this lady as a slave, with the power of 
liberating himself by paying a sum equal to his pecu- 
lium, or private property which he had been allowed 
to acquire, like a slave in ancient Rome ; but it seems 
that he was never fortunate enough to be able to afford 
the sum of money required. He remained with Gaga 
twenty-one years, and was considered the res or pro- 
perty of the house, and as such was handed over in 
pledge, was restored, and finally became the dowry of 
Nubta ("Bee"), the daughter of Gaga. Nubta gave 
him to her son and husband in exchange for a house 


and some slaves. After the death of the two ladies 
he was sold to the wealthy publican Itti-Marduk- 
baladh, from whose house he escaped twice. Taken 
the second time, he instituted an action in order that 
he might be recognised as a free-born citizen, of the 
family of Bel-rimanni ; and to prove that he was of 
noble origin he pretended that he had performed the 
matrimonial solemnities at the marriage of his master's 
daughter Qudasu with a certain Samas-mudammiq. 1 
Such a performance, doubtless, implied that the officiat- 
ing priest was of free birth, and that no slave or freed- 
man was qualified to take part in it. He declared, " I 
am a mar-bant" or " descendant of a banti" literally a 
" generator," or "ancestor," one of those semi-mythical 
heroes who gave their names to the noble families of 
Babylon. 2 " I belong," he went on to say, " to the 
family of Bel-rimanni," who in other texts is called a 
high-priest. The case was brought before a court of 
justice, and the royal judges asked Barachiel to prove 
that he was of free birth. This actio prcejudicialis de 
ingenuitate was urged for and against, and eventually 
Barachiel was obliged to retract his former statements. 
He was unable to rebut the evidence alleged against 
him, and though it is probable that the two married 
persons whose "hands he had joined" were dead, 
other witnesses came forward who proved that he 

1 The father of Akhi-nuri was Nabu - nadin - akh ( ' ' Nebo gives a 
brother "), and the father of the son-in-law bears the same name. But it 
is by no means certain that the uncle married his niece, since the two 
persons may have been different. 

2 It would be a useful work to collect the names of all the band or 
ancestors, men of noble birth, like Egibi, Nur-Sin, and others. 


was a slave with the power of purchasing his 

The exact date at which the judgment was delivered 
is not quite certain, but it must be later than the 
seventh year of Nabonidus, when the father Itti- 
Marduk-baladh was still alive. 

I will now proceed to make some further remarks 
on the details of the case, as it is very interesting, and 
offers some useful hints as to the legal procedure of 
the Babylonians. 

The name of Bariki-ili or Barachiel is evidently 
that of a Jew. He is called " a slave of ransom," that 
is to say, not a slave who has already purchased his 
freedom, since in that case he would have been free, 
but a slave who was allowed by special laws to employ 
his private fortune in the work of liberating himself. 
He professes to have been the avil taslisu or "joiner" 
of the hands of bride and bridegroom at a wedding 
which must have taken place before the thirty-fifth 
year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign, when he still belonged 
to the house of Akhi-nuri, "the seller of the slave," as 
he is called at the end of the text 

After the declaration of the slave, the document is 
comparatively easy to understand. The judges, after 
perusing all the evidence, do not find any proofs that 
Barachiel was a man of free birth, and accordingly say 
to him : " Prove to us that you are the descendant of 
a (noble) ancestor." Thereupon Barachiel confesses 
that he is not free-born, but has twice run away from 
the house of his master ; as, however, the act was seen 


by many people he was afraid, and said, " I am the 
son of a (noble) ancestor." " But I am not free-born," 
he continues, and then gives an account of the events 
of his life. 

The words mar-banut in line 16 signify "condition 
of being a free-born citizen," and not " letter of client- 
ship," as Dr. Peiser supposes. The expression " letter 
of citizenship " (dippi mar-banuf] occurs several times, 
and signifies the warrant given by a master to his 
emancipated slave. " Non-citizenship " was the fourth 
fact guaranteed by the seller of a slave to the pur- 
chaser, the other three being: (i) that the slave 
should not rebel or run away ; if he returned to his 
former master he was to be sent back ; (2) that no 
claim should lie against the validity of the sale on 
account of technical or other errors ; and (3) that the 
purchaser should be secured against any claim made 
upon the services of a slave by a royal officer. 

Barachiel adds that after the death of the two 
ladies Gaga and Nubta, he was sold for money to 
Itti-Marduk-baladh, of the Egibi family, thus becom- 
ing a servus redimendus argento, a slave who could be 
ransomed with money, and that he awaits the sentence 
of the court. 

The judges decided that Barachiel should be 
restored to his .original status, and added that it was 
in the uzuz (or ustiz) of the two married persons 
Samas-mudammiq and Qudasu that the judgment 
was pronounced. This may signify "absence," the 
two having died during the interval of more than 


twenty years which had elapsed since the marriage. 
It is probable that Barachiel had invented the story of 
his taking part in the wedding because he thought 
that its falsity could not be detected. If, however, the 
word is equivalent to the expression ina du-zti, the 
texts from Sippara would go to show that it must 
mean " in the presence of." 

It may be remarked that not a word is said about 
" a deed of slavery," which was certainly not given to 
a slave in order to prove his own servile condition as 
a mndex libertatis, as Dr. Revillout seems to imagine. 

The only penalty imposed upon the slave is his 
restoration to his ancient condition ; penalties were 
decreed against those who wished to annul a contract, 
not against those who pretended to be free citizens. 
In this respect the Babylonian law was more humane 
than the Roman. This is the more surprising, since 
it cannot be denied that severe penalties were at times 
inflicted. The Micheaux- stones, for example, in- 
scribed in the twelfth century before our era, threaten 
the transgressors of a contract and those who annul 
their covenants with the curses of the gods, each of 
whom would inflict a special punishment. The old 
Jew escaped with the failure of his attempt to recover 
his undeserved loss of liberty ; perhaps the court took 
into serious consideration his fidelity to his former 
master, who had esteemed him to be worth not only a 
house but other slaves as well. 


i. Barachiel is a slave of ransom 1 belonging to Gaga the 

daughter of 
2 whom in the 35th year of Nebuchadnezzar, 

king of BABYLON, 2 

3. [from Akhi-]nuri, the son of Nabu-nadin-akh, for the 

third of a inina and 8 shekels 

4. she had bought. Recently 3 he has instituted an 

action, saying thus : I am the son of a (noble) 
ancestor, of the family 4 of Bel-rimanni, 

5. who have joined the hands (in matrimony) of Samas- 

mudammiq the son of Nabu-nadin-akh 

6. and the woman Qusadu the daughter of Akhi-nuri, 

even I. In the presence of 

7. the high-priest, 5 the nobles and the judges of Nabo- 

nidus king of BABYLON 

8. they pleaded the case and listened to their arguments 

in regard to the obligation of servitude 

9. of Barachiel. From the 35th year of Nebuchadnezzar 

king of BABYLON 

10. to the yth year of Nabonidus king of BABYLON, S he 

had been sold for money, had been put 

11. in pledge, (and) as the dowry of Nubta the daughter 

12. of Gaga had been given. Afterwards Nubta had alien- 

ated him by a sealed contract ; 7 

1 For the meaning of this expression see above, p. 158. 

2 B.C. 570. 

3 Ana eninni, not a proper name as Dr. Revillout supposes ! 

4 Read lu zir. Several distinguished persons were called Bel-rimanni, 
among others a priest of the Sun-god. 

8 Sangu. 6 B.C. 549. 

7 The text does not seem to me to have been correctly copied here. 


13. in exchange for a house and slaves to Zamama-nadin 

14. her son and Idina her husband had given him. They 

read (the evidence) and 

15. said thus to Barachiel: Thou hast brought an action 

and said : The son of a (noble) ancestor 

1 6. am I. Prove to us thy (noble) ancestry. Barachiel 

his former statement 

1 7. retracted, saying : Twice have I run away from the 

house of my master, but many people (were pre- 

1 8. and 1 I was seen. I was afraid and said (accordingly) 

that I am the son of a (noble) ancestor. 

1 9. My citizenship exists not ; I am the slave of ransom of 


2 o. Nubta her daughter received me as (her) dowry ; 

21. alienated me by a sealed contract, and to Zamama- 

nadin her son and Idina 2 her husband 

22. gave me in exchange; and after the death of Gaga 

(and) Nubta, 

23. to Itti-Marduk-baladh the son of Nabu-akhe-iddin of 

the family of Egibi, for silver 

24. I [was sold]. I am a slave. Go now, [pronounce 

sentence] about me. 

25. [The high-priest], the nobles and the judges heard the 


26. [and] restored [Barachiel] to his condition as slave of 

ransom, notwithstanding the absence of Samas- 

27. [the son of Nabu-nadin-akh] and Qudasu the daughter 

of Akhi-nuri, the seller 3 

28. [of the slave]. For the registration of this [decision] 

Musezib the [priest] 

1 Not ka. 

2 Such names are all, I think, emphatic imperatives : Idina, "give !" 
Basa, " exist ! " Iriba, " multiply ! " Considering the Aramaic transcrip- 
tion of the last name, we ought perhaps to pronounce Idinai, Basai. 

3 Nadinan, a singular noun with the same termination as makhiranu, 
' ' the buyer ; " masikhanu, ' ' the measurer ; " paqiranu, " the plaintiff ; " 
napalkattanu, " the defendant. " 



29. [and] Nergal-akhe-iddin the judges 

30 of the family of Epis-el, in the city of the palace 

of the king of BABYLON, the iyth day of 
31. the month Marchesvan 1 [the 7th? year] of Nabonidus 

king of BABYLON. 

1 October. 



SINCE the publication of my Memoir on " The Cunei- 
form Inscriptions of Van Deciphered and Translated " 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xiv. 4, 
1882, we have begun to learn something about a 
race of kings who ruled on the shores of Lake Van 
in Armenia, from the ninth to the seventh centuries 
before our era. The founder of the dynasty, Sar- 
duris I, the son of Lutipris, who reigned in B.C. 833, 
introduced the cuneiform system of writing as well 
as other elements of Assyrian culture into the country 
over which he was king. The inscriptions he has 
left us are in the Assyrian language ; but his suc- 
cessors discontinued the use of a foreign tongue, and 
the language of their texts is invariably their native 
one. It is semi-flectional in character, and possibly 
belongs to the same family of speech as that of 
which Georgian is the modern representative. For 
want of a better name it is known as Vannic. The 
story of its decipherment will be found in the Memoir 
above cited. 


The grandson of Sarduris I was Menuas, a prince 
who carried his arms far and wide, and has bequeathed 
to us numerous records of his wars and buildings. 
Far away from his capital of Dhuspas or Tosp, near 
the mountain of Rowandiz and the Lake of Urumiyeh, 
on the summit of the pass of Keli-shin, 1 2,000 feet 
above the level of the sea, is a monument of his cam- 
paigns, which is wrapt during the greater part of the 
year in a coating of ice ; in the north he engraved 
his inscriptions beside the banks of the Araxes, while 
the record of his campaign against "the land of the 
Hittites " is inscribed on the cliff of the Euphrates 
at Palu, about midway between Malatiyeh and Van. 

The inscription translated here was copied by 
Schulz and Sir A. H. Layard from a stone built into 
the wall of a vault under the church of Sts. Peter and 
Paul at Van, and a squeeze of it has been taken 
by Captain Clayton. The transliterated text and 
analysis will be found in my Memoir, xxxii. p. 555. 
The text is mutilated in parts, and at the time my 
Memoir was published I was unable to restore some 
of the passages in it. The progress that has since 
been made, however, in the study of the Vannic in- 
scriptions, enables me now to supply their deficiencies, 
and also to correct and supplement the translation I 
then gave. For the sake of Vannic scholars I append 
here a transliterated text of the inscription as it 
should read after the restoration of the missing 
characters : 


1. [god Khal-di-]ni-ni us-ma-si-ni man Me-nu-a-s man Is- 


2. [a-li-e] i-u tu-su-kha-a-ni land Ma-a-na-a-i-di us-ta-a-di 

3. [land e-ba-]a-ni-a tu-u-bi a-ma-as-tu-u-bi i-ku-u-ka-a-ni 

4. [sali si-su-kha-ni-]e person Khu-ra-di-ni-li plural kid-da- 

nu-u-li kha-a-i-tu-u 

5. [man Sa-da-ha-li-]e-khi-ni-ni land-m-m city Su-ri-si-li-ni 

city Tar-khi-ga-ma-a-ni 

6. [city . . . ]-dhu-ra-a-ni man Sa-da-ha-li-e-khi-ni-da-a-ni 


7. [city . . . ]-li-e-i stone gar-bi-e land Kha-ti-na-as-ta-a-ni 

8 i u-e land Al-zi-i-ni-ni IIMCXIII person 


9. [sa-li-]e a-li-ke za-as-gu-u-bi a-li-ke alive a-gu-u-bi 
10. [god Khal-di-]e a-li-ma-a-nu a-ru-u-bi person Khu-ra-di- 

na-u-e plural 

We learn from the inscription that the land of the 
Khate or Hittites extended as far north as Alzi, the 
situation of which is given in the inscription of 
Tiglath-Pileser I (i. 64 ; see above,, p. 94, note 4), 
and that Sada-hadas, whose name was perhaps .pro- 
nounced Sanda-hadas, was the king of that portion 
of the Hittite nation with which Menuas was brought 
into contact. The mention of the name of the Khate 
or Hittites on this and other Vannic monuments 
shows that the name was not confined to the Hittites 
of the south. 


1. (To the KHALDis-gods), 1 the gracious, Menuas the son 

of Ispuinis 2 

2. (speaks) thus : In the spring (?), when I had approached 

the land of MINNI 3 

3. I carried away the people of (that distant country), I 

partitioned (them). The same 

4. (year), after collecting the (baggage) of the army, the 

fruits (?) 4 

5. of the country of the son of Sada-halis, the cities of 


1 The supreme god of Van was Khaldis, but as each tribe or district 
also worshipped a god of the same name, there were many Khaldis-gods 
who are invoked by the Vannic kings along with the supreme Khaldis of 
Van. It was from the worship of Khaldis that the population of a part of 
Armenia became known to the Greeks as Khaldsei, a name naturally con- 
founded with that of the Chaldeans of Babylonia. 

2 The Vannic kings usually call themselves kings of Biainas or Bianas, 
a name which has passed through the Byana of Ptolemy into the modern 
Van. Van is now, however, the name of the city which the Vannic kings 
called Dhuspas or Tosp, instead of denoting a district as it did in their 
time, Tosp being now the name of the district. Biainas was known to the 
Assyrians under the name of Urardhu, the Ararat of the Old Testament. 
Mount Ararat, it may be noted, is a modern designation, the name of 
Ararat not being applied to the country north of the Araxes in the Biblical 
age, and " the mountains of Ararat " of Genesis viii. 4 signifying, as in the 
Assyrian inscriptions, the Kurdish mountains to the south of Lake Van. 

3 The Mana of the Vannic texts are the Manna of the Assyrians, the 
Minni of the Old Testament, whose position is shown by the inscriptions to 
have been immediately to the west of the kingdom of Van, from which they 
were separated by the Kotur range. 

4 Khai-tA maybe connected with khai-di-a-ni, "fruits" (from khai, 
' ' to grow "), but it may also be a compound of tu and kha, ' ' to possess, " 
like 'sui-du, " to set for a possession," or abili-du, " to set on fire." 

6 Tarkhi-gamas seems to be compounded with the name of the Hittite 
god Tarkhu, like Tarkhu-lara, king of the Gamguma, and Tarkhu-nazi, 
king of Malatiyeh, mentioned on the Assyrian monuments. 


6. (and) . . . DHURAS, which is called the seat of the son 

of Sada-halis, 

7. the stones of (the city of) ... lis, which is called the 

seat of the HITTITES, 

8. (I captured), and 2113 soldiers of (the year), 1 belonging 

to the country of ALZIS, 

9. partly I killed, partly I took alive. 

10. (To KHALDIS) I brought all and each of those who be- 
longed to the army. 

1 This expression is of frequent occurrence in the Vannic texts, and its 
literal translation is certified by ideographs ; but what it means is doubtful. 



THE oldest Hebrew inscription yet discovered is en- 
graved on the rocky wall of the subterranean channel 
which conveys the water of the Virgin's Spring at 
Jerusalem into the Pool of Siloam. The history of 
its discovery is curious. In the summer of 1880 one 
of the native pupils of Dr. Schick, a German architect 
long resident in Jerusalem, was playing with some 
other lads in the Pool, and while wading up the sub- 
terranean channel slipped and fell into the water. 
On rising to the surface, he noticed, in spite of the 
darkness, what looked like letters on the rock which 
formed the southern wall of the channel. Dr. Schick, 
on being told of them, visited the spot, and found 
that an ancient inscription, concealed for the most 
part by the water, actually existed there. 

The first thing to be done was to lower the level of 
the water, so as to expose the inscription to view. 
But his efforts to copy the text were not successful. 
He was not a palaeographer ; and as the letters of the 
inscription, as well as every crack and flaw in the stone, 

1 69 

had been filled by the water with a deposit of lime, it 
was impossible for him to distinguish between char- 
acters and accidental markings on the rock, or to 
make out the exact forms of the letters. The first 
intelligible copy was accordingly made by myself 
during my visit to Jerusalem in February 1881. As, 
however, I had to sit for hours in the mud and water, 
working by the dim light of a candle, my copy required 
correction in several points, and it was not until the 
arrival of Dr. Guthe six weeks later that an exact 
facsimile was obtained. Dr. Guthe removed the de- 
posit of lime by the application of an acid, and so 
revealed the original appearance of the tablet. A cast 
of it was taken, and squeezes made from the cast 
which could be studied at leisure and in a good light. 
The inscription is engraved on the lower part of an 
artificial tablet cut in the wall of rock about 19 feet 
from the place where the subterranean conduit opens 
out upon the Pool of Siloam, and on the right hand 
side of one who enters it. The conduit is at first 
about 1 6 feet high ; but the height gradually lessens 
until in one place it is not quite 2 feet above the 
floor of the passage. According to Captain Conder's 
measurements, the tunnel is 1708 yards in length from 
the point where it leaves the Spring of the Virgin to 
the point where it enters the Pool of Siloam. It does 
not run, however, in a straight line, and towards the 
centre there are two culs de sac, the origin of which is 
explained by the inscription. We there learn that 
the workmen began the conduit simultaneously at 


both ends, like the engineers of the Mont Cenis tunnel, 
intending to meet in the middle. But they did not 
succeed in doing so, though the two excavations had 
approached one another sufficiently near for the work- 
men in the one to hear the sound of the pickaxes used 
by the workmen in the other. How such a feat of 
engineering was possible in the age when the tunnel 
was excavated it is difficult to understand, more 
especially when we remember that the channel slopes 
downward through the rock, and winds very consider- 
ably. It may be added that the floor of the conduit 
has been rounded to allow the water to pass through 
it more easily. 

The Pool of Siloam is of comparatively modern 
construction, but it encloses the remains of a much 
older reservoir. It is situated on the south-eastern 
extremity of the hill, sometimes, but erroneously, 
called Ophel, which lies to the south of the Temple- 
hill, now represented by the Mosque of Omar, but 
separated from the latter by the remains of a valley, 
which was first perceived by Dr. Guthe and Dr. 
Schick. The Virgin's Spring is on the opposite side 
of the hill, but more to the north, overlooking the 
valley of the Kidron. As it is the only natural 
spring, or " gihon," as the Jews would have called it, 
in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, the command of 
its supply of water was of primary importance to the 
inhabitants of the Jewish capital. It was, however, 
outside the walls of the city, and hence the necessity 
of cutting a conduit through the hill which should 

convey its water to a reservoir within the town. We 
are told in 2 Chron. xxxii. 4 that when the 
Assyrians invaded Judah Hezekiah " stopped all the 
fountains," that is to say, he concealed them under 
masonry or earth. The Virgin's Spring or Gihon 
must have been similarly sealed up, while its water 
was conducted into the city through a subterranean 

The date of the inscription has occasioned a good 
deal of controversy, some scholars assigning it to the 
reign of Hezekiah, and others to an earlier period. 
The chief reason for believing it to have been a 
work of Hezekiah is that in 2 Kings xx. 20 it is 
stated that " he made a pool and a conduit, and 
brought water into the city," while in 2 Chron. 
xxxii. 30 we read that he "stopped the upper 
watercourse of Gihon, and brought it straight down 
to the west side of the city of David." But a more 
literal rendering of the latter passage would be, " he 
stopped the exit (inotsa] of the waters of the Upper 
Gihon, and he directed them downwards on the west 
side of the city of David." Here it is evident that 
by the Upper Gihon is meant the Spring of the 
Virgin, for which the word mdtsd or " exit" is em- 
ployed in the inscription. Besides the Upper Gihon 
there must have been another or Lower Gihon, which 
can have been none other than the Pool of Siloam. 
This had become a second source of water-supply, 
and might therefore with propriety be named "a 


It would consequently appear from the chronicler's 
words that the Pool of Siloam already existed in the 
time of Hezekiah, and that what the Jewish monarch 
did was to excavate a second conduit, running from 
the Pool, not in a winding direction like the tunnel 
of Siloam, but in a straight direction along the 
western side of the city of David. Now such a 
conduit has actually been discovered cut in the rock 
and leading from the Pool of Siloam to another 
reservoir which once existed below. 

There is, moreover, evidence in the Book of Isaiah 
that the tunnel of Siloam was in existence before 
Hezekiah came to the throne. In Isaiah viii. 6 a 
prophecy is recorded, uttered while Ahaz was still 
reigning, in which allusion is made to "the waters 
of Shiloah that go softly." This can hardly refer 
to anything else than the gently -flowing stream 
which still runs through the tunnel of Siloam. The 
inference is supported by the name Shiloah itself, 
which probably signifies " the tunnel," and would 
have been given to the locality in consequence of 
the channel which was here excavated through the 

The characters of the inscription exhibit to us 
the alphabet which was used by the prophets before 
the Exile. They belong to what may be termed 
the southern or Jewish branch of the old Phoenician 
alphabet, a parallel branch to which was used in 
Moab, and is found on the Moabite Stone. The 
forms of some of the letters are more archaic than 


those on the Moabite Stone, the forms of others less 
so. Similar forms are met with on early Israelitish 
and Jewish seals, which go back to a period preced- 
ing the Captivity. They are characterised by a 
peculiarity which shows not only that writing was 
common, but also that the usual writing material 
was papyrus or parchment, and not stone or metal. 
The " tails" attached to certain letters are not straight 
as on the Moabite Stone or in Phoenician inscriptions, 
but rounded. The words, it may be added, do not 
always end with the line. 

The language of the inscription is the purest 
Hebrew. It presents us with only one unknown word, 
zadali in line 3, which seems to mean "excess" or "ob- 
stacle." Why it should have been engraved on the 
lower part of a carefully-prepared tablet, where the 
water of the conduit would necessarily conceal it, it 
is impossible to conjecture. The upper part of the 
tablet may perhaps have been intended to contain a 
royal inscription giving the name of the king under 
whom the work was executed. 

One fact, however, is made very clear by the 
text. Whether it were the Siloam tunnel itself, or 
the second tunnel leading from it to a lower reservoir, 
that was constructed by Hezekiah, in either case the 
Pool of Siloam would lie " on the west side of the 
city of David." " The city of David" must, accord- 
ingly, have stood on the southern hill, the so-called 
Ophel ; and since the city of David was identical 
with Zion, according to 2 Samuel v. 7, this hill must 


represent the original mount of Zion. Consequently 
the valley of the Sons of Hinnom must be the valley 
which was known in the time of Josephus as the 
Tyropceon or Cheesemakers'. It once divided both 
the Temple hill and the southern hill from the 
mountains on the west, though it is now choked 
with the rubbish which the numerous destroyers of 
Jerusalem have thrown into it. In some places the 
rubbish is more than 70 feet deep, and under it, if 
anywhere, we must look for the tombs of the kings 
that were cut in the rocky cliff of the city of David. 
Here, too, if anywhere, will be found the relics of the 
temple and palace that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed, 
overlaid with the accumulations of more than two 
thousand years. 

A cast of the Siloam inscription may be seen in 
the rooms of the Palestine Exploration Fund, and 
facsimiles in Canon Isaac Taylor's History of the 
Alphabet, i. p. 234, and in Fresh Light from the 
Monuments, p. 101. 

1. (Behold the) excavation ! Now this is the history of 

the excavation. While the excavators were still 
lifting up 

2. the pick, 1 each towards his neighbour, and while there 

were yet three cubits to (excavate, there was heard) 
the voice of one man 

3. calling to his neighbour, for there was an excess (?) in 

the rock on the right hand (and on the left ?). And 
after that on the day 

1 Garzen, translated "ax" in i Kings vi. 7, where it is used of the 
instrument with which the stones of Solomon's temple were quarried. 


4. of excavating the excavators had struck pick against 

pick, one against another, 

5. the waters flowed from the spring 1 to the pool 2 for 

a distance of 1200 cubits. And (part) 3 

6. of a cubit was the height of the rock over the head of 

the excavators. 

1 Motsa, literally "exit," which is used of the Upper Gihon or Virgin's 
Spring in 2 Chron. xxxii. 30. 

2 Berechah, rendered "pool" in 2 Sam. ii. 13, Isaiah xxii. 9, n, etc. 
We learn from the latter passage (Isaiah xxii. 9, n) that there were at 
least three "pools" or reservoirs in Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah, 
and yet our inscription shows that there must have been a period when 
only one such reservoir existed, since it terms the Pool of Siloam ' ' the 

3 A flaw in the rock makes this word doubtful. It begins with m and 
ends with /, and appears to consist of three letters. 


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